TUC SPEECHES o. THE RIGHT HONOURABLE CHARLES JAMES FOX, HOUSE OF...
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SPEECHES
o.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
CHARLES JAMES FOX,
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
IN SIX VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
D17.7
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HORST, REES, ORME, AND B-ROWS,
rATERsosTz-:R-il OW ;
AND J. runowAy, PICCADILLY.
INTRODUCTION.
THE Speeches of Mr. Fox contain such a
various fund of political information, that
however imperfect the reports of them may be,
it would have been a great public loss if any of
them had been suffered to perish, or if, by
being scattered through the parliamentary his-
tory of the country, for the long space of nearly
forty years, they could not, without difficulty,
have been brought under one view, or be rea-
dily referred to, as the subjects of them might
occur hereafter.
With these impressions, the Editor was in-
duced to set about a collection of Mr. Fox's
Speeches, from his entrance into Parliament in
1768, to the period of his death in 1806 ; pre-.
Strallan and Preston,
Printers-Street, London.
fixing to each Speech, as he went along, such
A 2
iv
an historical sketch as, while it rendered the
subject of the Speech intelligible, should, at the
same time, present the reader with a correct
LETTER.
and undisguised view of the parliamentary
rRom
conduct, on all great questions, not only of
Mr. Fox, but of the party of which he was,
LORD ERSKIN
for so many years, the leader.
To the Editor.
When the Speeches were at length collected
together, the Editor, before he resolved to
SIR,
London, May I. 1845:
publish them, requested permission of Lord
Erskine to send them to his Lordship, that he
I HAVE received your letter with the Speeches
might judge whether, with all their imperfec-
of Mr. Fox, which you have sent for my
consideration.
tions, they were worthy of publication. Lord
Erskine, after obligingly saying in answer, that
In proposing me as the arbiter of their pub-
at his earliest leisure he would look at them,
lication, after the great trouble which must have
wrote the following Letter to the Editor, which
attended the collection and arrangement of
them, you abundantly manifest the good faith
he has obtained his Lordship's permission to
of the application ; because, having lived in the
publish, and which renders any further preface
most affectionate friendship with that truly great
unnecessary.
man, having the utmost reverence for his me-
J. WR I GHT.
mory, and having heard from his own lips many
of the speeches, the notes of which you have
Wanton Square,
sent me, you must have supposed I should be
May 10. 1815.
likely, above most others, to lament, that the
utmost care and attention could give but a very
faint representation of their merits. The ex-
pression of this regret is, however, no preface
to my wishing they should be suppressed. — Far
A 3
vi
vii
from it. Many of them I know to have been
tion to a bust of Demosthenes or Cicero, that
preservedby Mr. Perry,personally attached to Mr.
the vigour of the eye was lost in the marble,
Fox, and better qualified by his talents and. habits
and the lips cold and silent, which were the
than any man I know, to do them justice ; one
fountains of their fame. — It would be as strange
or more with great ability by Mr. O'Bryen ; and
a criticism on a Cabinet of Natural History,
even those which have been collected from the
that rare animals, however ingeniously pre-
published debates of the day, with such assist-
served, were but feeble representations of them
ance only as your own industrious care may
when living ; — that though we observed the .
have provided, are well worthy of preservation.
form of a lion, we could not hear him roar, nor
Indeed, I cannot conceive a more difficult
see him stalking over the desart in the tremen-
or painful exertion of the human faculties,
dous majesty of his dominion ; or that though.
than that by which the proceedings in parlia-
we could , not but admire the form and plumage
ment are generally preserved, and so far from
of an eagle, we should account it nothing, be-
being disposed to peevish criticisms upon their
cause his vast wings were not hi motion, nor
imperfections, I have always thought that where
his prey flying dismayed under their shadow.
malice or undue partialities could not be fairly
attributed to them, they were entitled to the
Such feelings are, happily, not natural. — It is
utmost encouragement and indulgence.— It
folly to expect what is unattainable, and no less
would leave a wretched blank in our his-
so to reject or undervalue what we may enjoy
tory, and might in the end be fatal to our liber-
by art and contrivance, because the highest art
ties, if they were prohibited, or should {1111 into
and contrivance can neither reach nor approach
disuse.
to nature. I am, therefore, highly gratified
with your projected publication, and you are
They must, of course, come very short of
welcome to publish this opinion, if you think it
preserving, in their original lustre, those extra-
will be useful to its reception with the public.
ordinary specimens of eloquence, which but
rarely occur even in this accomplished country ;
These observations are, however, more appli-
but, if they approach as near as is practicable,
cable- to the best memorials of our debates in
without the aid of short hand, which in its per-
parliament, or of the pleadings in ()Ur courts of
fection is a most rare talent, and which in par-
justice, than they would have been to those of
liament can seldom be resorted to, they are still
the ancient world. — The great orations of anti-
highly valuable. — It would be an absurd objec-
quity were composed with the utmost labourr.
A 4
viii
ix
were carefully worked upon and refined by their
tion and delivery. — A British statesman or law-
few great authors, and pronounced in public
yer ought to have a consummate acquaintance
after all the previous study which is necessary
-with all that belongs to real life, in the almost
to bestow perfection upon the impassioned de-
infinite combinations which arise amongst a
clamations of the stage : — but these splendid
people having attained the highest summit of
compositions, though they have conferred an im-
civilization : their stile must not derive its lus-
mortal fame upon eloquence, though they have
tre from studied preparation, but from their
been the sources of the purest taste, and have
having worked into their minds, from earliest
given the happiest direction to British genius,
life, the great models of taste and genius which,
have nevertheless produced in England a. cha-
b y a kind of human instinct, have united all
racter of public speaking entirely different, and,
ages and nations in universal admiration : for
in my mind, beyond all comparison superior.
the rest, and that by far the most important
The great affairs of a free government like
part of true eloquence, they must trust to the
that of England, could not be usefully dis-
spontaneous, or rather accidental effusions of
cussed in public, by men coming forth from
the divine spirit of man, struck out like fire
their closets with written discourses, however
from its ethereal and immortal nature, when its
sublime or beautiful — In our parliaments, it is
energies are excited by the great duties which
impossible to anticipate the circumstances or
God has imposed upon the few whom He has
arguments upon which the most vital interests
eminently qualified for the direction and go-
of the country may stand for immediate consi-
vernment of mankind.
deration ; and in our courts of justice, whose
decisions • so often depend upon the oral testi-
These general observations may appear to be
mony of witnesses, and which are to be pro-
wandering from the subject of • my letter, but
nounced in the instant, the talent of composition,
they are no departure from my view of it ; be-
further than as it gives strength and correctness
• cause, if I were to be asked what was the nature
to unpremeditated speaking, would be still
and character of Mr. Fox's eloquence, I should
more useless.
answer, that it was only asking me in other
words what I understood to be the nature and
British eloquence is of a. much highercharac,
practical character of eloquence it-sef, when ap-
ter It would be blown down in a moment, if
plied to the transactions of British Government
it stood only upon common knowledge, though
and. Law.
ornamented 1y the happiest talent for composi-
x
xi
This extraordinary person, then, in rising
noting review, enlightening every part of it,
generally to speak, had evidently no more pre-
and binding even his adversaries in a kind of
meditated the particular language he should
spell for the moment, of involuntary assent.
employ, nor frequently the illustrations and
images, by which he should discuss and en-
The reader must certainly not expect to be.
force his subject, than he had contemplated
so carried away by the sketches now before me.
the hour he was to die ; and his exalted merit
Short hand alone, secured too at the moment,
as a debater in parliament, did not therefore
against the numerous imperfections inseparable
consist in the length, variety, or roundness
from following the career of so rapid and vehe-
of his periods, but in the truth and vigour
ment an elocution, could have perpetuated their
of his conceptions ; in the depth and extent
lustre and effect: but, still the correct, and
of his information ; in the retentive powers
often the animated substance remains, which
of his memory, which enabled him to keep
preserves from oblivion more that is worthy of
in constant view, not only all he had for
preservation, than by such means would apply
merly read and reflected on, but every thing
to almost any other speaker in the world. —
said at the moment, and even at other times,
Eloquence, which consists more in the dextrous
by the various persons whose arguments he was.
structure of periods, and in the powers and
to answer ; in the faculty of spreading out his
harmony of delivery, than in the extraordinary
matter so clearly to the grasp of his own mind,
vigour of the understanding, may be compared
as to render it impossible he should ever fail in
to a human body, not so much surpassing the
the utmost clearness and distinctness to others;
dimensions of ordinary nature, as remarkable
-- in the exuberant fertility of his invention;
for the symmetry and beauty of its parts : — if
which spontaneously brought forth his ideas at
the short hand writer, like the statuary or pain-
the moment, in every possible shape by which
ter, has made no memorial of such an orator,
the understanding might sit in the most accu-
little is left to distinguish him, but, in the most
rate judgment upon them ; whilst, instead of
imperfect reliques of Fox's speeches, THE BONES
seeking afterwards to enforce them by cold, pre-
OF A GIANT ARE TO BE DISCOVERED.
meditated illustrations or by episodes, which,
however beautiful, only distract attention, he
This will he found more particularly to apply
was accustomed to repass his subject, not me-
to his speeches upon sudden and unforeseen
thodically, but in the most unforeseen and fasci-
occasions, when certainly nothing could be more
Interesting nor extraordinary than to witness,
xii
feelings, 'without even irritable sensibility, would
as I have often done, the mighty and unpre-
like an immense magazine of gunpow-
be only
pared efforts of his mind, when he had to
der, if there were no such element as fire in the
encounter with the arguments of some pro-
natural world—It is the heart which is the spring
found reasoner, who had deeply considered his
and fountain of Eloquence — a cold-blooded
subject, and arranged it with all possible art, to
learned.man, might; for any thing I know, com-
preserve its parts unbroken.—To hear him begin
pose in his closet 'an eloquent book ; but, in
on such occasions, without method, without any
public discourse, arising out of sudden occasions,
kind of exertion, without the smallest impulse
could by no possibility be eloquent.
from the desire of distinction or triumph, and
animated only by the honest sense of duty, an
To carry on my ideas of oratory, by continu-
audience, who knew him not, would have expect-
ing to identify it with Fox — He possessed,
ed but little success from the conflict : as little
above all men I ever knew, the most gentle and
as a traveller in the East, whilst trembling at a
yet the most ardent spirit ; a rare and happy
buffalo in the wild vigour of his well protected
combination ! — he had nourished in his mind
strength, would have looked to his immediate
all the manly and generous sentiments, which
destruction, when he saw the Boa moving
are the true supports of the social world ; he
slowly and inertly towards him on the grass.
was trembling alive to every kind of private
But, Fox, unlike the serpent in every thing but.
wrong or suffering, and, from the habitual and
his strength, always taking his station in some'
fervent contemplation of the just principles of
fixed, invulnerable principle, soon surrounded;
government, he had the most bitter and unex-
and entangled his adversary, disjointing every
tinguishable contempt for the low arts of poli-
member of his discourse, and strangling him in:
tical intrigue, and an indignant abhorrence of
the irresistible folds of truth.
every species of tyranny, oppression, and in-
justice.
This intellectual superiority, by which my-
illustrious friend was so eminently distin-
It has been said, that he was frequently care-
guished, might nevertheless have existed in
less of the language in which lie expressed
all its strength without raising him to the
himself; but I can neither agree to the justice,
exalted station he held as a public speaker.
The powers of the understanding are not of
nor even comprehend the meaning of that cri-
ticism — He could not be incorrect
themselves sufficient for this high purpose.
from care-
lessness ; because, having lived from his
Intellect alone, however exalted, without strong
youth
xiv
X V
in the great world, and having been familiarly
Theatrical representations, which demand the
conversant with the classics of all nations, his
talent of Eloquence, are generally the works of
most unprepared speaking (or if Critics will
great poets, with which the cultivated parts of
have it so, his most negligent) must have been
the audience are familiar, which they have, of
at least grammatical, which it not only uniform-
course, almost present to their memories, and
ly. was, but distinguished by its taste : more
which, involving no consequences beyond the
than that could not have belonged to it, without
emotions they are calculated to administer, ex-
the very care which his habits and his talents
act the most perfect representations — In such
equally rejected.
cases, the least departure from the justest ex-
pression of the passions, the smallest defects in
He undoubtedly attended as little to the
voice or gesture, diminish the fame of the actor ;
Musical intonation of his speeches as to the lan-
but, upon the real stage of life, where the great
guage in which they were expressed — his em-
affairs of the world are transacted, and where
phases were the unstudied effusions of nature —
men speak their own sentiments in their own
the vents of a mind, burning intensely with the
natural language, the case is somewhat different.
generous flame of public spirit and benevolence,
No man, in either House of Parliament, or in
beyond all. controul or management when im-
our Courts of Justice, ever felt as if he were in
passioned, and above the rules to which inferior
a box at Covent Garden or Drury Lane ; and,
things are properly subjected : his sentences
even upon the stage itself, it will be found, after
often rapidly succeeded, and almost mixed
all, that the rare talent of the actor has its seat
themselves with one another, as the lava rises
in the superior sensibilities of the mind, which
in bursts from the mouth of a volcano, when
identify him for the moment with the characters
the resistless energies of the subterranean world
he represents — Yet, certainly, neither the actor
are at their height.
nor the orator can be said to have reached the
summit of their arts without the utmost atten-
These last remarks require, however, some
tion to all the delicacies and graces of the most
explanation ; that I may not appear to depre-
perfect delivery ; not, indeed, thought of at the
ciate the executive part of public speaking,
moment, which would be utterly unworthy of a
which is worthy of the utmost care and cultiva-
great statesman engaged in the mighty concerns
tion — No man admired it more than Mr. Fox,
of an empire, but to be insensibly acquired by
nor was a juster, though always a liberal and
studious observation, and wrought as it were
indulgent critic of performances upon the stage.
into the habit, so as to be as much a compon-
xvi
xvii
tint part of the man as his countenance or his
govern the natural world are not more fixed and
address — I thought it necessary to introduce
unalterable, than those which preside over the
these observations, lest I should appear to under-
safety and happiness of man in a state of society.
value such essential parts of public speaking as
Mighty powers indeed, must be vested in all
utterance and action — Demosthenes seems to
governments, however constituted, and many
have thought them almost every thing ; •and,
e,
restraints must be sanctioned by the wisest and
even with our habits, so different from those of
most indulgent system of laws ; but it should be
the ancients, they would be to most men immense
the constant aim of every human authority to
advantages, though nothing at all to Mr. Fox.
ascertain by cautious experiments how few re-
strictions are necessary for the support of order
My admiration of his talents, and my zeal for
and obedience, and by what liberal extensions of
the lustre of his memory, have already led me
rights and privileges, affection and confidence in
much farther than I intended when I began my
the great body of the people may be best criated
answer to your letter ; yet I find it difficult now
and preserved. Indeed, if I were now consider-
to close it without saying something upon the
ing how I might best illustrate our own inesti-
principles which uniformly characterize his
mable constitution, I should say that in one
speeches, after he had arrived at that maturity
short sentence, I had faithfully described its
of thought and reflection, which laid the foun-
principles and pointed to the cause of its being
dations of his exalted character as a statesman.
preserved and reverenced throughout the world,
It is not my intention to examine them in their
whilst principalities and powers, strangers to,
order, nor in their details, but to advert only,
or neglecting the grand secret of conservation,
and very shortly, to such of them as most strik-
have been convulsed and overthrown. No
ingly illustrate the distinguishing features of.
man better understood the powers of this
them all.
great political talisman than Fox ; and, it is
both curious and beautiful to observe, with what
The spirit which will be fbund to pervade and
Stubborn constancy he for ever rejected the harsh
animate them is the pure but regulated, spirit
instrumentality of power, when opposed to the
of liberty, which he justly considered to be, not
surer effects of liberal trust, of mildness, and
only the prime blessing of private life, but the
conciliation.
fulcrum upon which every civil establishment
must rest for its security. — For my own_ part, I
In governmehts, constituted like that of England, upon
_have always been convinced, that the laws which
the genuine principles of freedom, few serious resistances will
VOL. I.
a
xviii
xix
No man, for example, was more deeply ac-
frequently required but little skill or eloquence;
tjuainted with the spirit, and even the practice of
to defend the most defenceless libeller : the
our laws, nor sought less to undermine the con-
offence was generally kept in the back-ground,
stitutional authority of the Judges ; but, he
and a stand made upon the injustice of asking
thought for a long season they wereundermining-
condemnation without examination ; but when
it themselves, by usurping the functions of the
the functions of the Jury were, by this whole-
Jury in cases of libel — On that principle, he
some statute, restored to them, I can speak from
proposed his celebrated Act of Parliament,
my own long experience, that the task became
which put an end, in a moment and for ever, to
justly most difficult, or rather hopeless ; juries
all conflicts between the two parts of our tri-
considering the cases brought before them, with
bunals, always intended to form one harmoni-
the greatest good sense and reflection, consult-
ous whole ; bringing back the country to repose
ing their own understandings, as they ought to
with confidence in the wisdom and learning of
do, upon the nature of the accusation, and the
the Courts, and securing to the people their un-
intentions of the accused, but receiving at the
questionable privilege, of an unsophisticated Trial
same time the learned assistance of the Judges,
by Jury in this as in other offences — Before the
free from all that jealousy of their own inde-
Libel Act, when nothing was left to Juries but
pendence, which, until it was secured by law,
the mere fact of publication, whilst they were
had frequently entangled their consciences, and
nevertheless called upon to pronounce judg-
perverted their judgments. In this instance,
ments involving the determination of guilt, it
therefore, by following the ruling principle of
his mind, Mr. Fox conferred the highest benefit
upon public authority, as well as upon popular
be likely to take place ; but, whenever they do, there is but
privileges— in doing so, he looked to no stan-
one course to be pursued. Mildness and conciliation will not
dard of his own, but to the genuine principles
do for such insurgents ; because that is proved by the very
and precedents of British Law, which in this
insurrection against the authority of so mild a government.
In that case, the most bold and decisive execution of the
deeply important instance, had been oversha-
laws must be instantaneously resorted to,, and persisted in
dowed and. misunderstood.
without pause until the evil is subdued. Mildness in the prin-
ciples and firmness in the administration of government, where,
No man was also a greater friend to our ec-
it is resisted in its just and lawful course, is the perfection of
human wisdom in the management of mankind. I have
clesiastical establishments, but he thought that
added this Note, that Mr. Fox's authority may not be applied
an undue support of the Church became the
to in ca,ws where it has no application.
parent of dissent, when restraints of any kind.
a2
XX
xxi
were imposed upon Dissenters of any descrip-
and if the Church feels any serious alarm from
tion on that ground, as well as upon the
their expansion, she should lend her hand to
right of universal freedom in religious opinion's,
the discouragement of their. communities, by.
he was the advocate of Catholic Emancipation,
inviting the Legislature to let the law pass over
and for the repeal of the Test Act.
them without the very knowledge of their exis-
tence — So little of restraint is now left, that
Here, again, Mr. Fox's ruling principle deserves
even if it were the sound principle of support.
the utmost consideration. If the Church of Eng-
to our ecclesiastical system, it would be utterly
land were vulnerable in her doctrines, or in her
useless ; whilst the exclusion from civil incorpo-
discipline, maintaining her ascendancy, like the
rations, bestows a kind of corporate character -
Romish Church, by the ignorance and dark-
and perpetuity upon religious dissents, which
ness of her' adherents, her security might, in
would otherwise have a tendency to dissolution.
some measure, depend upon the penal discou-
These observations are,. however, addressed only
ragement of dissent ; but, when I reflect upon
to the ministers of the church, and not to those
the unexampled Wisdom of her original refor-
'of the state — the great body of dissenters are,
mers, in all that they abolished, as well as in all
I believe, fully sensible of the liberal disposition
that they preserved; when I consider the mani-
of the government towards them ; as enlight-
fest foundations of her faith upon the sacred
ened men, they know how to appreciate the
authorities of Scripture; the simplicity and beau-
difficulties which have attended the best wishes
ty of her Liturgy, assimilated by time as well as
for them ; and speaking, of course, of the great
by its own intrinsic excellence, to the feelings.
and well known bodies of Dissenting Protes-
of the English people ; when I advert to the
tants, I am happy in this occasion of expressing
general learning and morals of her ministers,
my perfect conviction of the fidelity of their
and their usefulness throughout the country, I
civil allegiance, and the sincerity of their reli-
doubt with Mr. Fox, whether the restraints and
gious persuasions.
disabilities originally set on foot for her protec-
tion, and which are now insensibly wearing
Mr. Fox's principle receives, however, a still
away under the indulgent administration of our
more striking illustration from those who differ
government, may not have been the nurses, if
from me regarding them, and who falsely im-
not the parents of Sectaries in every part of the
pute to them republican principles — They- un-
kingdom Their foundations were laid when
doubtedly cherish the doctrines of civil liberty
there was much less toleration than at present;
0
with peculiar warmth and feeling, the inevitable.
a 3
consequence of any species of jealous disability
more false or wicked than the calumnies of that
or restraint; and on this account there are sonie
day, which represented him as sheltering the
.who would be sorry to see that spirit destroyed,
disturbers of the public tranquillity — his object
by breaking up their exclusions, and throwing
was quite the reverse — it was to remove the dis-
them without distinction into the oblivious mass
turbances by the vigorous administration of our
of the people.
ancient laws, which he held to be sufficient for the
emergency : it was to put to shame the false-
The moral certainty of this obvious conse-
hood of French principles, by holding up those
quence deserves the utmost attention in the
of England in their undefiled, unsullied beauty,
consideration of the Roman Catholic question.
and to oppose a spirit of change and revolution,
Educated myself in an almost superstitious re-
by changing nothing, without urgent cause, in
pugnance to that religion, (though I have the
our own venerable constitution.
highest opinion of, and the most sincere regard
for very many of its members,) I found it diffi-
This principle even strikingly distinguishes
cult at first to bring up my mind to the admini-
his speech, when in 1793, he supported a mo-
stration of this only specc JO?' its gradual de-
tion to reform it ; and nothing certainly which
cline and extinction : but I shall now never hesi-
the wit or wisdom of man ever prompted, il-
tate a moment for applying it; independently of
lustrated its value with greater force or truth,
all the other great principles so powerfully in-
than when he said, " that if by a peculiar in-
sisted upon by Fox in the volumes now before
" terposition of Divine Power, all the wisest
me ; but I never can admit that there is any
" men of every age and every country, could be
foundation whatsoever for emancipating their
" collected into one assembly, he did not believe.
Spiritual Pastors from that dependence upon
that their united wisdom would be capable of
the civil government which is submitted to by
" forming a tolerable constitution."— What re-
our Protestant Bishops and Clergy, and even
buke could be greater to the ignorance and pre-
by Catholics themselves in the Catholic states.
sumption which characterised the time he spoke
in ? What stronger pledge that his purpose was
In 1793, we find Mr. Fox equally conspicu-
to preserve our own ? A constitution, not con-
ous in support of the same principles, when in
structed by assembled theorists, but growing up
a season of great alarm, new laws were pro-
from natural and often accidental causes, through
posed for the punishment of sedition and
the lapse of many ages, to maturity ; a consti-
of
traitorous correspondence
nothing could
tution which, therefore, mocks and puts toy.
be
a4
xxiv
XXV'
shame every abstract, theoretical reformer, and
rashnes s of great numbers of mistaken peo-
which can suffer no alteration but in conformity
ple, who, instead of following in his well chosen
with the whole, and that only which the most
path, sent forth from every part of the kingdom,
obvious use and even necessity justifies. Mr.
such unprincipled, inflammatory, and ignorant.
Fox's purpose, in his own words, was " not to
reflections upon the other branches of the go-
CC
pull down, but to work upon it, to examine
vernment, and indeed upon its whole frame and
4G
it with care and reverence, to repair it where
structure, as to alarm and disgust the great body
4C
decayed, to amend it where defective, to prop
of men of rank and property, without whose
C'
it where it wanted support, and to adapt it
support no useful reformation in the govern-
C'
to the purposes of the present time, as our
ment of any civilised nation can ever be brought
ancestors had done from generation to gene-
about.
C'
ration, always transmitting it, not only unim-
paired, but improved, to their posterity."
These few instances may furnish, I think,
a sufficient clue for following Mr. Fox through
Nothing can be more happily expressed than
the many other questions of domestic policy,
this short sentence, because it keeps in view
which are the subjects of these volumes. in
what has ruined the cause of reform, -when lost
the debates regarding our external relations, in
sight of— that our whole history, from its begin-
which the characters of great statesmen are
ning, has been a perpetual and gradual system
more prominent and important, the reader will
of reformation. If all who mixed themselves
find everywhere the same principles; the same
with this delicate and momentous subject, had
contempt for every system of artifice or vio-
held this sound and safe language, and had
lence, and the same reliance upon the effects of
acted with good faith . upon the principles so
good will and plain dealing, of openness and
justly adopted and illustrated upon that occa-
kindness, which apply as universally, and as
sion by Lord Grey, whose speech, both for wis-
surely to the restoration of peace between con-
dom and eloquence, was of the highest order,
tending nations, as they notoriously do to all
the cause of reform, in spight of all obstacles,
differences between individual men.
would have become popular ; but it received an
almost deadly blow in the very outset from the
In all the questions, therefore, regarding Ire-
land, whether they related to our connection
with her when a distinct people under her own
* See Vol. V. p. 109.
Parliament, or drawn into our bosom by the
xxvi
union which has happily taken place, the same
CC
article as tea, in the eyes of a philosopher,
opinions illustrate and characterize Mr. Fox.
LC
shook the pillars of a commercial empire that
He was an enemy to all artificial restraints when
c6
circled the whole globe."
put in the scale against liberal i • tercourses —
thought with Mr. Burke, "that our affidavits and
Upon the same principle, Mr. Fox, had he
" our sufferances, our dockets and our clearances,
been now living, would have rejoiced in the
" were not the great securities of our commerce;"
peace which has been recently made ; he would
that the earth was large enough for the full and
have exerted all his eloquence to secure its con-
overflowing prosperity of all nations ; and that a
tinuance, and would have counselled the pe-
partnership never could be thriving, which im-
remptory duty of forbearing from every topic of
poverished any branch of it.
irritation, of rejecting a narrow system of policy
regarding her, and of opening our parental arms
We find him also, in the ripeness of his civil
to renew the feelings of confidence and affection,
wisdom, strenuously opposing himself to the
which " common names and kindred blood "
insane policy, which gave birth to the revolu-
might yet restore and perpetuate. England
tionary war with America and to her United
has declared by her Ministers in Parliament,
States — yet such is often the dominion of
that she claims no rights, but those which are
prejudice and error, even in the most enlight-
common to all nations. • Such rights cannot
ened communities, that I am old enough to
be doubtful, since what they are, the universal
remember the immortal orations of Burke upon
voice of nations must pronounce ; and, in cases
that momentous subject, delivered to the almost
where their exercise may become harsh and
empty benches of the House of Commons, filled
inconvenient, HE will approve himself the best
only by her infatuated majorities when his
statesman and the truest friend of both coun-
warning voice had ceased ; yet, now that time
tries, who shall devise the best means of putting
and events have pronounced their awful judg-
at an endless distance every cause of strife.
ments, no man would hazard his character irt
the .most private circle by supporting opinions,
Another conspicuous subject of Mr. Fox's
which, for a long time triumphed in Parliament,
eloquence, was the portentous phenomenon of
and enflamed the great body of this people,
the French Revolution ; and on this mighty
until one half of out empire was severed from
question of national interest, which, from its
the other. " So paltry a sum as three pence in
new and extraordinary nature, could not but
" the eyes of . a financier .— so insignificant an.
produce strong differences of opinion between
the best private friends, and amongst the most
xxix
thought, whilst her desperate and distracted
honest and enlightened statesmen, it was my
factions were balancing, and almost daily des-
wish and my design to have been altogether si-
one another, that whatever they might
lent, more especially as we are at this moment,
ttdir eloecy
or publish, or however, in the frenzy of
I fear, in the very midst of the storm, and as I
was besides, most anxious to avoid even the ap-
le
iainrgoment, they might denounce the govern-
ments of surrounding nations, they had no
pearance of a wish to revive political contro-
power to enforce their threats ; and that so far
versy. In raising this humble, but affectionate
from there being any danger of France, so cir-
monument to his memory, I felt that I ought
cumstanced, overpowering her neighbours by
not only to guard it from being defaced, but
conquest, she was likely herself to sink in the
should invite it to be surrounded by honest
storm she had raised. He was convinced, that
and enlightened men of all parties and opi-
nions ; at the same time, when I came to
if the states of Europe had acted upon this opi-
nion, contenting themselves with taking secu-
consider how very important a part it formed
rity by prudent councils against the contagion
of his public character, I found it indispen-
sable to touch, though slightly and generally,
of disorganising principles so much appre-
hended, husbanding their finances, and stand-
upon this difficult, delicate, and complicated
subject. — I shall, therefore, very shortly advert
ing upon their guard against invasion by
to his opinions, but without any argument in
great military establishments, instead of in-
vading France, she could not, upon any hu-
their support — they are already, indeed, mat-
man calculation, have so suddenly extended
ter of history ; and as they cannot at all
her dominion over so many mighty nations. I
govern our present duties, under circumstan-
purposely avoid all design of considering or
ces so very different, I shall leave them.
questioning her aggressions at that period, or
" without impatience, to the vicissitudes of
of disputing the justification of war against her,
" opinion, and the impartiality of a future
" generation."
if it was prudent in that manner to wage it.
To enter upon this would be raising the very
It was the constant theme, then, of Mr. Fox,
spirit of controversy which I !have disclaimed.
as will appear over and over again throughout
I am only recording Mr. Fox's sentiments, and
these volumes, that the true policy of this
shall, therefore, content myself with the fact,
country regarding France at that period, inde-
that the Duke of Brunswick published his fatal
m
pendently of not interfering with the internal
anifesto, and invaded France. At that period,
government of any nation, was to leave her to
and under those circumstances, Mi. Fox, in
the good or evil of her own revolution — He-
XXX"
his letter to his constituents,* ridiculed the idea
in arms, the invading force was only brought
of her conquest, and he was justified by the
up to the charge by the cold and lifeless
event — By this ill-timed assault upon her terri-
principle of military discipline, without a
tory, accompanied by the disgusting threat of
national object, and by subjects rather disgust-
utterly exterminating the principles and authors
ed with their own governments, than with
of the revolution, contending factions were an-
the changes they had only heard of in France.
nihilated by a common danger to all ; the citi-
Well, therefore, might Mr. Fox on that occa-
zens of Paris who had been cutting one another's
sion, when the conquest of France was antici-
throats in the streets without knowing where-
pated, exclaim against the feeble pencil of Cer-
fore, knew then, to a. man, that they must unite
vantes —from the very course then pursued to
for their existence as a people ; and the world
conquer her, he conceived, she became invul-
exhibits no parallel to the exertions of France :
nerable; because having no means left of exis-
she dug into the mansions of the dead for the
tence as a nation, but by forming her popula-
fabric of her powder, and forged the irons
tion into a vast camp, and depending for her
which surrounded her churches and public edi-
security upon military skill and exertion, she
fices into weapons of war : the spirit which
was not at all likely to be the victim of any com-
inspired her was not merely the spirit of free-
bination amongst the old governments of Eu-
dom, always undaunted however misdirected,
rope, jealous of one another, and not excited
but was inflamed and elevated by terror and
by a counteracting motive, of an equally pro-
despair, when caught in the moment of dis-
jectile force.
organization by the numerous armies which
surrounded her, proscribed as she was by the
When her government was thus established,
whole European world It did not, in my
no matter whether for good or for evil, and
opinion, require Mr. Fox's sagacity to predict
war had arisen from resisting it in its commence-
the result of this unequal contest. — The nations
ment, Mr. Fox still more strongly reprobated
,of Europe at that period, whatever they might
as a monstrous proposition, that she was in-
have had to fear, had then actually siffered
capable in the pure abstract of maintain-
nothing from the French revolution ; so that
ing the usual relations of peace and amity.
whilst on the one hand, the French armies,
He admitted, of course, most distinctly, that
however undisciplined, were in fact a people
Great Britain and all other powers were well
justified in looking to their own securities, but
1" See Appendix to Vol. IV.
he thought they should come at once to the de-
vision of the securities they required, and not
likely to end, as it did, in his becoming the
have acted upon a declaration so vague and so
Imperator, whose purple he afterwards
unexampled.
assumed.
To this policy, which he condemned as erro-
But when this vague system of warfare was
neous, Mr. Fox imputed the disasters which
at last abandoned, when peace was offered upon
followed in his time France, being thus put
the ordinary principles of security, when the
under the bairn of an undefined proscription,
treaty of Amiens was actually- made, and. when
a looser rein was undoubtedly given by it to
(without at,, all discussing the immediate causes
to her impetuous and dangerous course ; and
or principles of its short continuance) Buona-
in faithfully recording Mr. Fox's principles
parte more manifestly began to pursue the most
and opinions, it is impossible to refrain from
audacious, unprincipled and unbounded system
saying, that for a season at least there was too
of ambition — when he conducted himself with
much colour for her invasion of other nations.
such violence and injustice to Holland, that to
What other security had she for her own inde-
use Mr. Fox's own words " were he master of the
pendence? Since not only no terms were offered
" use of colours, and could paint with skill, he
to her, but she was even denied the privilege
would take the darkest to delineate his conduct :"
of offering any herself.
when, to use his own words again, as to the
oppression of Switzerland, from which, he said,
To the same policy we owe, perhaps, the
" by treaty as well as upon every principle qf
arduous but justifiable contest now preparing
" justice, lie was hound to withdraw his troops,—to
against the military Ruler of France. No
leave the country to itself, even under the mise-
republican, nor any other free system of govern-
rable government he had given it, and to re-
ment, above all, commencing in the storm of a
" spect its- independence ; lie nevertheless had
revolution, had any possible chance of a con-
44. "established a dominion utterly repugnant to the
tinuance amongst a people so circumstanced —
" principles and odious to the feelings of that
a great military nation must be ruled by a great
4, people --L., when, afterwards, by a ccnripli- -
military captain, and Napoleon happening to
cated system of fraud, treachery, and violence,
return from Egypt at a most critical period, was
he overran and butchered the Spanish nation,
invested with the consular dignity ; a station
.endeavouring, after ages of darkness, to vindi-
which, however faithfully it might have been
cate and assert . her own independence, and the
given or accepted as a civil magistracy, was
VOL,
5
'
XXXV
general cause of freedom : — when, to leave
cipled character of his mind betrayed him he
details which serve only to weaken the view of
was an evil spirit at variance with the social
his odious and unprincipled plans of universal
spirit of the world, and persisted without due
mischief, he became in his own person what
reflection in his pernicious course: how else
it had been before absurd to predicate of a
could he have hoped to enforce his Napoleon
nation — the whole principle and character of
system, which demanded of all nations the
the war was altered. Its origin, politicians
surrender of every source of their prosperity ?
might still continue to remove from them-
Men will submit to very evil systems of govern-
selves and cast it upon their opponents ; but
ment, whilst they are left in possession of their
its prosecution was no longer matter of choice
property, and with the free and necessary in.-
but of painful and cruel necessity. For a
tercourses of the world ; but they will not con-
long and dreadful interval, France continu-
sent to be starved by au arbitrary system of
ed to be the proud, revengeful, and desolat-
unmitigated restriction and exclusion, imposed
ing assailant ; whilst the surrounding nations,
upon them by a foreign force, directed to
discomfited by their unsuccesful contest when
no object in which they have an interest, and
they were in the wrong, had not yet ac-
of which they cannot but be the victims.
quired the just confidence which almost always
belongs to those who are in the right — hence
To this almost insane delusion, Europe
they were every where overthrown ; and if,
owed the first dawn ings of her deliverance.
after the subjugation of so many kingdoms, and
Sovereigns not absolutely subjugated could
the defection of others from the confederacy,
not possibly submit to it, and their ruined
he had stopped short in his hostile career, when
people would not long have endured their
the independence of France and his own se-
submission : their resistance enflamed the
curity had been asserted by his unparalelled ex-
temper of a man till then, EXCEPT BY WEL-
ertions, his dynasty, whatever might have
LINGTON IN SPAIN, not successfully resisted,
followed from it, would, in all probability, have
and the grand and final catastrophe of Europe
been as well established as any other in Europe
was decided upon : but when France, now
or in the world. — By his divorce from Josephine,
become lost to every idea of honor and freedom,
and his marriage with Maria Louisa of Austria,
had thus given herself up, without a pang, and
he appeared for a while to have adopted this
even with a delirious exultation, to the do-
peaceful policy ; but the restless and unprin-
minion of one man, who, not contented with
b 2
her base and ignominious subjection, endeavour-
he had been then living, his sagacity would
ed to bend all the kingdoms of the earth to
have predicted the event.
his dominion, imposing upon their subjects
greater privations than they had ever felt under
My reason for this last observation was only
the most defective of their own establishments,
to vindicate the truth of his prediction that
nothing was then wanting but some highly
France was invulnerable, from the charge often
favourable opportunity for overthrowing so in-
made of its having turned out to be unfounded
tolerable and deeply-rooted a tyranny. — Such
when she submitted to her invaders. For the
an occasion, however, might never have pre-
truth, however, of my remark, nor for any
sented itself, and in my opinion never would ;
reasonings of my own on which it was founded,.
but from the seemingly predestinated infatuation
he is in no way responsible — his memory
of persisting in his odious system of proscription,
must in no manner be implicated by opinions
and of his total forgetfulness of times and sea-
which he never delivered, and which could be
sons in the execution of his gigantic projects :
built only upon events that he did not live to
but when they failed at last, and the tide of war,
see — as little can I presume to support by his
impelled by the elements, pursued him in his
authority, the view I entertain of our present
retreat, it was the war of united, justified, in-
situation, on which, however, I cannot with
dignant nations, and the aven ging elements of
b
safety be altogether silent, lest whilst from the
heaven; — Sovereigns were then no longer un-
warmth of friendship I have been illustrating
principled invaders at the head of reluctant ar-
Mr. Fox's principles, I might be supposed here-
mies, but patriot leaders Of their insulted and
after to have departed from my own,
injured people, repelling in their turn, like the
French at the period of her revolution, an un-
None of his opinions, then, regarding the
principled invasion. The submission, therefore,
French Revolution, which I have referred to in
of France to her conquerors at the- gates of
my letter, in all of which I concurred with him
Paris, instead of lessening Mr. Fox's authority,
in Parliament, and still maintain inviolate, have
in my opinion establishes and confirms it — On
in my judgment, any bearing whatsoever upon
the very same principle that, in his time, France
our relations at this moment with France, nor
could not be successfully invaded by the nations
can govern or affect the momentous question of
of Europe, she could not lately resist their in-
peace or war. The policy of the one or the
vasion ; and I entertain no doubt at all that if
other, as most likely to promote in the end the:
b3
tranquillity of the world, it would be wholly be-
ever denied or doubted, that states are justified
side my purpose to touch upon: How far the Em-
in combining to resist aggressions, and in tak-
peror Napoleon, after having seen the ruinous
ing security against their recurrence, by hostile
consequences of his past misconduct, might not
invasion and conquest -- this was precisely the
be as likely to preserve peace in Europe, as any
late condition of the combined powers of Eu-
other government, established by force of arms ;
rope with regard to France — after repelling her
whether, supposing that expectation to be
from their invaded territories, they followed
irrational and the Allies to be again at the gates
her into her own, and hostilities were closed by
of Paris, greater difficulties might not arise than
a treaty under the walls of her capital, when
even occurred before, in dealing with a nation
they might have dissolved her government by
of such vast power, extent, and population ; —
the sword.
or whether, supposing the comparative safety
of war to be obvious and unquestionable, great.
Whatever opinions divided us in other pe-
obstacles may not present themselves hereafter
riods of the war, it is surely now too late to
to its successful prosecution, from the internal
deny, that to this confederacy our country
state of our country, are momentous considera-
became a legitimate party — indeed, the whole
tions which the proper forums must decide : —
pressure upon the states of Europe, which they
but these difficulties ought not to be increased
combined to resist, was only that we might be
by any doubt regarding the principle of the con-
wounded through their sides — the Napoleon
test ; because, supposing the Emperor Napoleon
system, as it affected their commerce, was of no
to be at this moment the universal choice of the
value to its author, but as it might involve the
French people, of which there is no sufficient evi-
destruction of ours — On that clear, national in-
dence, Great Britain and her Allies would still
terest, our accession to the confederacy was
have a justifiable cause of war against France.
supported in parliament ; the most alarming
demands upon our finances were upon no other
No man can hold more sacred than I do, the
principle submitted to ; and when the great
right of every people to the government of their
object .of it was apparently accomplished, the
own choice, nor is prepared more constantly or
victorious sovereigns, and the great men em-
more firmly to resist all interference by force
ployed in their service, were received amongst
with the internal concerns of AN UNOFFENDING
us with an enthusiasm, which, if we had not
NATION ; but no writer upon public law has
b 4
xl
xli
been deeply interested in their achievementsf
anathema against Napoleon, with a detailed
would have been the height of folly, and, if not
catalogue of his enormities, and of the miseries
sanctioned by the justice of their cause, would
they had brought upon their country, declared
have been a national degradation.
unanimously, that they formally renounced all
obedience to him, and expressed their ardent
They had not achieved (though it was in
wish that the French monarchy should be re-
their power) a sanguinary conquest ; but, to
established in the person of Louis the 18th.
avert the destruction of property and the shed-
and his lawful successors.
ding of innocent blood, had proposed, in the
language of the Emperor Alexander, to acknow,-
The Conservative Senate followed immedi-
ledge, and even to guarantee any government
ately in the steps of the Municipal Council, and
which should be the. choice of the French
whoever refers to it, as well as to the former, will
people, zeith the exception only of the Author of
find the denunciation of a greater aggregate of
so many evils and calamities, and all the members
crime, and of just forfeiture of all trust or con-
of his family : — subject to that exception, they
fidence, than could be collected from the lives
invited the constituted authorities, which had
of all the tyrants ever existing upon earth ; —
been appointed, by himself, to form a provisional
they then declared that he had forfeited the
government, and . to prepare a constitution the
throne, that the hereditary right established
most advantageous for France.
in his family was abolished, and the French
people and their armies relieved from the oaths
Under these circumstances, their right to sti-
of fidelity they had sworn to him.
pulate such terms cannot possibly be denied ;
they were warranted upon every principle of
Me Provisional Government soon afterwards
public law, nor can their justice or moderation
adopted the same course, by the publication of
be disputed ; — but, what ends all question con-
an address to the French armies, concluding in
cerning them, they were accepted and acted
these emphatical words : " You are no longer
upon by all who could be considered the repre-
the soldiers of Napoleon, the Senate and all
sentatives of the nation. The Municipal Coun-
France relieve you from your oaths."
cil of Paris, in answer to the Emperor Alexan-
der's declaration, after the preface of a furious
To these solemn acts of exclusion, Napoleon
soon afterwards became a party ; and for him-
xlii
self and his heirs formally renounced the thrones
to be read by every man in Europe and in the
of France and Italy.
world), that France now proclaims her deter-
mination, against her own national treaty, to be
These acts of all the French authorities even
ruled by a man whose government she herself in
now, with a few exceptions, representing the.
the great public acts by which she destroyed it,
French nation by Napoleon's own consent,
had solemnly declared to have been utterly in-
deserve the utmost consideration. If their
compatible with her own liberties, and with the
public declarations just referred to had been
security of all oilier states.
founded, like the Emperor's own act of abdica-
tion, upon the mere pressure of necessity; — if,
I may, perhaps, be excused as a lawyer for
after expressing their affection for his person,
a comparison of this claim of a nation with the
their duty to his sovereignty, and their deep re-
utmost extent of private right, under the freest
gret at the surrender of its advantages, (a pre-
system of law — A man may keep in England
amble to which the Allied Powers, if they at-
any kind of animal he pleases for his own use or
tained their object, could have framed no rea-
amusement, and if impleaded on the charge of
sonable objection) ; — if after such a preamble
his being mischievous, may defend himself by
they had then submitted to his exclusion for
proving it to be false ; — but no judge or jury
the great object of national safety, they
would sit to hear his evidence, if he himself had
might now have had some foundation for tell-
written and published, and placarded the very
ing other nations, that they . embraced him
walls of the court with a declaration, that his
again on his return as the constant object of their
favorite had bitten all his neighbours, and that
choice, and that the principle of his exclusion
he verily believed him to be mad.
was unjust ;—they might now, with some coun-
tenance, have denied the dangerous principles
It is not, therefore, necessary to have re-
imputed to him by other governments, and
course to the proclamation of the allies for a
have insisted upon the still greater injustice of
justification of renewed hostility — it is to be
again combining to dethrone him, under the
found in these proceedings of France — She
new circumstances which had taken place. — But
They may be all seen in the appendix to a most able
whoever peruses the documents by which they (the
pamphlet, addressed as a letter to Lord Erskine, " On the
French people), proceeded to exclude Napoleon
" present situation of France and Europe; accompanied by
from the throne, will there find (and they ought
official documents." Printed for Murray, Albemarle Street.
xliv
)dV
herself has proclaimed to the universe, in the most
of war she may be sunk. This is precisely the
public acts of her government, that there was no
condition at this moment of the allied Sovereigns
trust or coqfidence to be reposed in her Chief.
who invaded France — the very soul of the
convention was the exclusion of .Napoleon and
This was the true principle of the original
his family from the throne —with their swords
convention which demanded his exclusion : —
in their hands they would accept no other
the evils which Europe had suffered from his
terms for their security ; and the terms were
dominion were in my opinion, its only justifi-
agreed to. — How, then, can it possibly be con-
cation — nations whose securities are not
tended, that his return to Paris, because unre-
clearly and essentially affected by revolutions in
sisted by those who were bound by their solemn
other governments, have no right whatever to
engagement to resist him entitles France to re-
make them the foundations of war, or to over-
main unquestioned under his dominion, in
throw them by conquest — the ministers of
violation and contempt of a treaty by which her
this country who made war upon Francein
conquest had been averted? Such a doctrine
1793, professed no such principle : — Lord
would be obviously subversive of the law of na-
Grenville would, I am persuaded, disavow it.
tions : — but on the other hand, this clear prin-
They justified the contest upon their assumption,
ciple of the confederacy, though the most un-
that our own safety, and that of all Europe, was
bounded success should attend it, ought not to be
•
at that period deeply affected by the F•ench 1
overstepped : — the securities demanded for
'revolution — a proposition of fact, which was
Europe should not be ideal, or arbitrary, but be
denied by MR. Fox.
supported by facts and experience ; — the inde-
pendence of France must- not be struck at, nor-
It is no answer to say, that all these acts of
the opinions of her people disregarded when
the French authorities, and the abdication of
compatible with the peace of the world.
Napoleon, were acts of compulsion and neces-
sity — undoubtedly they were — but does not
It is impossible to .close this review of
that very view of it replace the allies in their
Mr. Fox's parliamentary exertions, without
original position also ? When a ship strikes
adverting to the object of his very last motion
her colours, is it not equally an act of necessity
in the House of Commons ; an object for
and compulsion ?— but if she hoists them again
which he had laboured with many eminent men
after faith given to her submission, by the laws.
of all political parties and opinions, for nearly
xlvi
xlvii
twenty years its accomplishment which fol-
before I could venture to comply with your re-
lowed but a few months afterwards, would have
quest that it should be published, I cannot but
raised our country, even if she had no other
look back as to the happiest and most honor-
illustration, to stand unrivalled amongst nations,
able circumstance of my life, that I thought
and to look up to God Himself to pronounce
and acted with Mr. Fox, through so consider-
" Well done thou good and faithful servant"
able a part of his time, and that now, in my
the
retirement from the world, (for so I have
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE leaves
every other triumph of humanity and justice
considered it since my professional course has
almost out of sight behind it, and well entitled
been closed for ever), I have had the opportu-
Mr. Fox to declare,
nity of thus publicly expressing my veneration
"that if, during the forty
years he had sat in parliament, he had been
for his memory — When I followed him to the
LC:
so fortunate as to accomplish that object, and
grave, I was unable from sorrow to support with
decent firmness the high place which my sta-
THAT ONLY, lie should think lie had done
LC
tion at that period assigned me in the mourn-
ENOUGH, and could retire from public life with
the conscious satisfaction that lie had done his
fill procession, and even now, when thus en-
44
duty."
gaged in the review of his splendid and illus-
trious career, I cannot but feel the most affec-
One short sentence more belongs imperiously
tionate and painful regret : — seeking a kind of
to this subject the name of
consolation with his numerous friends, from his
WILBERFORCE
cannot ba separated, from it — it is of the ut-
being in a manner still living in the Represen-
most importance to mankind perpetually to
tative of his Family. LORD HOLLAND' S personal
remember, that immortal honor and reputation
resemblance has strikingly increased as his age
are the sure rewards of those by whose virtu-
has been advancing to the period of Mr. Fox's
meridian — in private life we find in him the
ous, patient, unconquerable perseverance, the
blessed cause of universal freedom has been
same popular manners, arising from the frank-
L
advanced, and the lingering progression of the
ness and simplicity of his character, — the like
world urged on in its slow and mysterious
rare union of ardour and gentleness — that
course.
singular cast of mind, stimulated as it were
by a never-ceasing and fervent interest in every
Being now brought to the conclusion of my
possible subject connected with public spirit
letter, and running it over (too hastily I fear )
or private justice ; and in parliament we see
5
him, like - Fox, the honest advocate for univer-
sal but well-balanced liberty, and distinguished,
like hi gh, by a bold, manly, vigorous, and im-
CONTENTS
petuous eloquence.
or
I am, Sir,
THE FIRST VOLUME.
To
Your obedient Servant,
Mr. J. Wright,
ERSKINE.
Panton Square.
Page
Jan.
9. Middlesex Election
Feb. 12. Bill for disqualifying certain Revenue Officers
from voting for Members of Parliament
2
Dec. 6. Mr. Serjeant Glynn's Motion for a Committee to
enquire into the Administration of Criminal
Justice, and the Proceedings of the Judges in
Westminster Hall in Cases relative to the
Liberty of the Press, and the Power and
Duties of Juries
3
1771.
Feb. • 27. Bill to repeal a Clause in the Nul]um Tempus
Act
6
March 25. Debate on committing the Lord Mayor and
Mr. Alderman Oliver to the Tower, for dis-
charging the Printers apprehended by Order
of the House of Commons
1772.
Feb.
6.
Clerical Petition for Relief from Subscription
to the Thirty-nine Articles
March 9.
Royal Marriage Act .....
L
16
i773.
Feb.
23.
Motion for a Committee to consider of the Sub-
scription to the Thirty-nine Articles ....
17
'774.
Feb.
1.
The Reverend John Horne's Libel on the
Speaker of the House of Commons
19
x6.
Mr. Fox's Complaint of a Libel on the Revo-
lution of 1688
23
March 23.
Boston Port Bill
26
April
Repeal of the American Tea Duty Bill
27
22.
Bill for the better regulating the Government
of 1VIassachuset's Bay
28
May 2. The Same
29
VOL. 1.
1
CONTENTS.
CONTENTS.
1775.
Page
1777•
Page
Jan.
23. Petitions for Reconciliation with America
3o
the Bill for the better Support of His
27. The Same
31
Majesty's Household
84
Feb.
2. Address to the King upon the Disturbances in
The Budget
88
May 14.
North America
33
East India Company's Affairs - Deposition
25.
13. Augmentation of the Forces
35
and Imprisonment of Lord Pigot
90
2o. Lord North's Proposition for Conciliation with
Address on the King's Speech at the Opening
Nov. i 8.
America
36
of the Session
92
March 6. Bill for restraining the Commerce of the New
Mr. Fox's Motion for an Enquiry into the State
Dec.
2.
England Colonies, and prohibiting, their
of the Nation
95
Fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland
3s
May 15. Mr. Burke's Motion for bringing up a Repre-
1778.
Exclusion of Strangers from the Gallery of the
sentation and Remonstrance from the General
Jan.
29.
House of Commons
Ioi
Assembly of New York
4.5
Mr. Fox's Motion in a Committee on the State
Oct. 26. Lord John Cavendish's Amendment to the
Feb.
2.
of the Nation, " That no more of the Old
Address on the King's Speech at the Open-
Corps be sent out of the Kingdom"
502
ing of the Session
43
Nov.
Mr. Fox's Motion on the State of the British
1. Returns of the British Army in America
46
4.
Forces in America
112
2. Bill for embodying the Militia
47
17.
Lord North's Propositions for Conciliation with
2o. American Prohibitory Bill
48
America
114
Dec. 8. The Same
50
March 16.
Mr. George Grenville's Motion respecting a
Nov. 22. Mr. Fox's Motion for an Account of the Ex.
Treaty between France and the revolted '
pence of the British Army in America
51
Colonies in North America
I i 8
1776.
19.
Mr. Fox's Motion relative to the failure of the
Feb. 2o.
Mr. Fox's Motion for an Enquiry into the
Expedition from
120
Causes of the ill Success of the British Army
April IO.
Mr. Powys's Motion for declaring the Ame-
in North America
ricans Independent
122
April 24. The Budget
55
May 28.
Mr. Hartley's Motion against the Prorogation
Oct. 3 1. Lord John Cavendish's Amendment to the
of Parliament, and for putting a Stop to the
Address on the King's Speech at the Opening
American War
of the Session ........ ...... ................ ...... . .....
ss
Nov. 26.
Mr. Thomas Townshend's Amendment to the
Nov.
6. Lord John Cavendish's Motion for the Revisal
Address on the King's Speech at the Opening
of all the Laws by which the Americans
of the Session
I3o
think themselves aggrieved
62.
1779.
5777.
Feb.
12.
Contractor's Bill
139
Feb.
so. Bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act in
March 3.
Mr. Fox's Motion of Censure on the Conduct
Am erica, &c. ......... ............
66
of the Admiralty, in sending out Admiral
17. The Same
69
Keppel with too small a Force
140
April 16. Arrears of the Civil List
74
8.
Mr. Fox's Motion on the State of the Navy upon
29.
Birmingham Play-House Bill
8o
the breaking out of the War with France
151
-
30.
Admission of Strangers into the Gallery of the
22.
Mr. Fox's Motion of Censure on Administration
House of Commons
81
for not sending out Reinforcements to Lord
May
9- Motion for an Addition to the Incomes of the
Howe at New York
16o
Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland
82
April 19.
Mr. Fox's Motion for the Removal of the Earl
Mr. Fox's Motion respecting Mr. Speaker
of Sandwich, First Lord of, the Admiralty
164.
Norton's Speech to the King, on presenting
29.
Enquiry into the Conduct of the American War
171
May
3.
Th
00/04e
e Same
175
0 2
CONTENTS.
liii
lli
CONTENTS.
178z;
1779.
Page
Page
Sir George Savik's Motion for referring the
13. Enquiry into the Conduct of the American War 178
May
8.
Petition from the delegated Counties, for a
x8. The Same
181
Redress of Grievances, to a Committee of
June x t. Motion respecting Peace with America
185
the whole House
332
21.
Bill for doubling the Militia
191
14.
Mr. Burke's Motion for an Enquiry into the
22.
The Same
193
Seizure and Confiscation of Private Property
July
2. The Same
in the Island of St. Eustatius
199
353
Nov. 25. Lord John Cavendish's Amendment to the
30.
Mr. Hartley's Motion for a Bill to restore Peace
Address on the King's Speech at the Open-
with America
359
ing of the Session
201
June
I I.
Public Accountants' Bill
370
Dec. 6. The Earl of Upper Ossory's Motion on the Dis-
12.
Mr. Fox's Motion for a Committee to take into
contents in Ireland
213
Consideration the State of the American War
377
15. Mr. Burke's Plan of Economical Reform
222
May
28.
Mr. Fox's Bill for the Repeal of the Marriage
1780.
Act
398
Feb.
8. Petition from the County of York for an Eco-
June
7.
The Same
400
nomical Reform in the Public Expenditure... 225
15.
The Same
405
15. Sir George Savile's Motion for the Pension List 229
20.
The Same
418
23.
Mr. Burke's Bill for the better Regulation of
27.
The Same
419
His Majesty's Civil Establishments, &c.
233
Nov.
27.
Mr. Fox's Amendment to the Address on the
March 2. The Same
King's Speech at the Opening of the Session
421
235
8. The Same
237
30.
Mr. Thomas
Pitt's Motion for delaying the
1 3 . 'Westminster Petition for an Economical Re-
Supplies
440
form
Dec.
20.
Motion for an Adjournment - Conduct of the
249
21. Renewal of the East India Company's Charter
Earl of Sandwich, First Lord of the Ad-
251
April 5. Army Estimates - New Levies
miralty
•
443
253
24.
Mr. Dunning's Motion against dissolving the
Parliament, or proroguing the Session, until
Measures shall have been taken to diminish
the Influence of the Crown, and correct
Public Abuses
258
June zo. Repeal of the Bill for the Relief of Roman
Catholics
6
Nov.
x. Mr. Thomas Grenville's Amendment to the
Address on the King's Speech at the Opening
of the Session
278
13. Mr. Adam's Complaint against the Resolutions
of the Westminster Committee of Association 288
1781.
Feb.
1. Mr. Fox's Motion relative to the Appointment
of Sir Hugh Palliser to the Government of
Greenwich Hospital
295
23. Motion respecting the Omission of the Word
" Ireland," in the Mutiny Act
307
March 7. The Budget - Terms of the Loan - Motion
for omitting the Lottery Clause
316
26. Sir George Savile's Motion for an Inquiry into
the Distribution of the Loan „.„.. .......
321
c3
INDEX or REFERENCE
TO THE
LEADING SUBJECTS,
AND TO THE
VARIOUS MATTERS INCIDENTALLY REFERRED TO
IN MR. FOX'S SPEECHES.
A
America, peace with,
185. 359.
h. 29. 37. 97. 119. 126.
BATEMENT of an impeach-
American war, i. 42. 44. 46.48.50.
A ment by a dissolution of par-
52.55.59. 63. 71.88. 92.95. roz.
liament, IV. 125.
112.114. 118. 120.126. 135. 160.
Abolition of the slave trade, iii. 387.
171. 185. 206. 216. 282. 3 5 9 . 377.
I I. 180. 376. V. 55. 193.384.
426. ii. 29. 37. 97.
vi. 116.157. 400. 648. 658.
independence, i. 6o. 65.
Adam, Mr., duel between him and
92. 95. 102. 112. 114. 122. 126.
Mr. Fox, i. 204. ii. 252.
3 5 9 . 377. 426.11. 29. 37. 97. 107.
Addresses, nature and extent of par-
109.
liamentary, to the King, iii. 298.
prohibitory bill, i. 48.
Additional force bill, vi 569.
Arcot, debts of the Nabob of, iii. 45.
Administration, motion for an ef-
Aristocracy, iv. 228.
fcient one, ii. 365. 397.
Armed neutrality, vi. 424.
Aids, voluntary, to government, ii.
Army, augmentation of the, v. 178.
106.347. v. 226.
355•
Alien Bill, v. r.
-, limited service in the, vi. 651.
America, impolicy and injustice of
Assessed taxes, vi. 370.
taxing her, i. z8, 2 9 . 42. 53. 89.
Auckland, Lord, his memorial to
V. 1
the States General, v. 4.r.84.
-, petitions for reconcili-
Austria, v. 488. vi. 190.
ation
, Lord North's propositions
for conciliation with, i. 3 6. II+.
B
, Billforrestrainingherfish-
. ery, 3s.
Bank of England, stoppage of cash
in, i
,ex. psi.-i
etce of the British
payments at the, vi. 286.
artily
Barracks, v. 49 . vi. 149. 229.
, je.ng2u.iry into the causes
Bastile, destruction of the, iv. 427.
of the ill success of the British
Bedchamber lords, ii. 272. iii 452.
41111S in,
5
Bedford, Francis Duke of, his cha-
, independence of, i. 6o.
racter, vi. 466.
65. 95. 102. 112. 114. 122. 126.
Belgium, vi. 277. 282.
359. 377. 426. 11. 29. 37. 97. 107.
Benevolences, ii. 106. 347. v. 226.
1 °9• v. 110.
'
Bill of rights, v. 232.
, state of the British forces
Blackstone, Mr. Justice, vi. 637.
112.
Boston port bill, 26.
lvi
INDEX OF REFERENCE.
INDEX OP REFERENCE.
'VII
Bourbon, house 4111.2 4. 335. v. 472.
North, ii. 122. 130. 140. 142. 155.
France, Revolution of, iv. 36. 41.
vi. 9
East India Company's charter, re-
6. 18 4. 39 1. 404. 459 . 464.
252. 346.
51. 65. 77. 194. 199, 200. 215. 295.
Boyd, Messrs., terms of the loan
Commercial credit, interference of
newal of, i. 252. V. x 8.
4 11. 426. 466. 470. v. 318.
contracted with, vi. 132.
parliament in support of, v. 91.484,
East India bills, Mr. Fox's, ii. 196.
situation of the royal family
British constitution, ii. 17 2 . 32 . iv.
Committal of the Lord Mayor to the
283 .
1 73 . 2 39 . 374.
of, iv: 481.
52. 222. 234. 41 0, 411. 450. 461.
Tower, for discharging the prin.
- bill, Mr. Pitt's, ii. 324.
----, war with, iv. 45 4. 466. V.12.
v. 1o. 29. 109. 286. 3 12. 349 . 391.
ters,
8.
iii. 1. ' declaratory bill,
368.
1G. z6. 38. 136. 153. 246. 293.
8.1 4 . 4 2. 45 . 22 4. 347-
Commutation act, iii. 15.
326. 412. vi. 178. 484.
Brunswick, house of, Iii. 420. IV. 5.
Constitution, British, h. 172. 321.
Economical reform, i. 222. 225.
---, Mr. Fox's motion for send-
453.
iv. 52. 222. 234. 4 10, 4 11. 450.
233.2 50.
ing a minister to Paris to treat
Brunswick, Duke of, his manifesto,
461. v. to. 2 9 . 109. 286. 312. 349.
Edward the Third, statute of the
with the provisional' government
iv. 447 . v. 156.
391. vi. 8. 14.42. 45. 224. 347.
25th'of, v. 77. 79. 82. 50. 75.
of, iv. 473.
Buonaparte, vi. 409. 449. 462. 464.
Constructive treason, i. 312.
33°.
, Mr. Fox's resolutions against
494 . 497 . 522.
Contraband of war, vi. 428.
Egypt,
509. 513.
the war with, v. 38.
Burgoyne, General, i. 173. 181. 351.
Continental connections, i. 189. iii.
Ellenborough, Lord Chief Justice,
Mr. Fox's motion for the
Burke, Mr., i. 351. iii. 3o6. 465.
331 . vi. 534. 5 3 7. 621.
his appointment to a seat in the
re-establishment of peace with,
43. 51. 69. 72. 200. V. 4. 112.
Contractor, and the minister, mutual
cabinet, vi. 631.
v. 136.
vi. 65. 188.
obligation between the, i. 139.
Erskine,
253. V. 12.83. 343.
---, Mr. Whitbread's motion for
, his plan of economical
Contractors for government, impro-
vi. 10.
a separate peace with, v. 195.
reform, i. 222. 233.
priety of their sitting in the House
Established church, iv. 237. 420.
-, Mr. Fox's motion for put-
, Mr. Hastings's com-
of Commons, i. 139. ii. 35.
Eustatius, St.,confiscation of private
ting an end to the war with,
plaint of words spoken by him in
Corn regulation bill, iv. 179.
property in, i. 353.
v. 293.
Westminster Hall, iii. 465.
Corn, high price of, v. 5 05. Vi. 405. 4
Excise laws, iv. 22. 26. 79.
-, finances of, v. 335. 490.
, difference of opinion
Cornwallis, Earl, ii. 209. 298.
between him and Mr. Fox respect.
Corporation and test acts, iii. 310.
F
vi. 97. 195.
---, peace with, iv. 473. v. 136.
ing the French Revolution, iv. 32.
iv. 1.55. 147. 241. 418. 459.
Falkland Islands, iv. 114.
, separation between
Corsica, v. 323. 338.
1 95 . 2 93 . 337 . 3 6 7 . 46 7 . 498•
Family compact, iii. 277. iv. 142.
VI. 8 9 . 106. 263. 319. 383. 455.
him and Mr. Fox. iv. 200.
Criminal justice, administration of,
Fayette, M. De La, imprisonment
, Mr. Grey's motion for peace
.
of, v. 1 99 . 212. 380. 416. vi. 192.
with, v. 367.
Criminal law of Scotland, v. 218.
Fitzwilliam, Earl, ii. 254.259. V. 424..
, Mr. Wilberforce's motion
Crown, influence of the, i. 79. 224.
Camden, Lord,
respecting peace with, v. 467.
v. 187.
456. vi. 309 . 444• .45 1 - 609.
243. 258. ii. 176. 345.
Canada, failure of the expedition
Fox, Mr., causes of his resignation
--, king's message respecting
from, i. 120.
in 1782, ii. 7 3 . 91.
a negociation with the republic of;
Catholic emancipation,
.
, his addresses to the electors
vi. 89.
see Roman
Catholics.
Debating societies, iv. 461.
of Westminster in 1784, ii. 437.
, Mr. Grey's motion for peace
Charles the First, i. 261.
Defence of the country, Mr. Fox's
his letter to the electors of
with, vi. io6.
Charles the Second, reign of, vi. 54.
motion on the, vi. 551.
Westminster, v. 485.
, Mr. Fox's motion on the
Chatham, Earl of, i. 45 .
conduct of the war with, vi. 178.
206. 315.
Delegates, petition of the, for a re-
Foreign troops, i. 48. 111. 338. v.184.
190.
374. 396. 425. 11.321. 342. 344•
dress of grievances, i. 332.
-, king's message respecting
v. 225. vi. 68. 159.
Dissenters, protestant, iii. 316. iv. 4.
Foreigners, employment of, in mi-
the rupture of the negociation for
Christian religion, iv.
Go.
litary trusts, v. 184. 245.
peace with, vi. 263.
57. 66. 145.
v. 255.25
Divorce Bill, Williams's, ii. 163.
, Mr. Pollen's motion for
7 . 291, 292. Vi. 395.
Forfeited estates, restoration of the,
iii. 14.
Church of England, iv.
Dock Yards, motion for fortifying
5, 6. 64. 71.
peace with, vi. 319.
242.420.
the, iii. 198.
France, wax with, in 177 8, 1.132.137.
, overtures of peace from
Civil list, arrears of the, i. 74. 83.
Dramatic exhibitions, utility of, i. 81.
, peace with, in 1783, ii. 120.
the consular government of, vi.
126. 188.
246. 111. 214. vi. 473.
Dumourier, General, v. 199. 379.
383.
Clergy, iv. 66. 71.
, treaty of commerce with,
-, address on the preliminaries
Coalition of parties, ii. 13o. 140, 141.
iii. 253. 260. 332.
of peace with the republic of,
conduct of, towards Great
1 53 . 2 5 2. 3 1 9 . 346 - 35 2. 373- 381.
East India affairs, i. 9o. 251. ii. 1o6.
Br
455.
itain, iii. 254..273.
--, king's message relative to
401.
187. 192. 196. 111. 110. , 173. 239•
2 77* 332•
Coalition between Mr. Fox and Lord
-, the natural political enemy
the war with, vi. 484.
iv. 102. 139. 270. 302. 370. V. 64•
12
of Great Britain, iii. 254. 273.
Francis, Mr., iii. 349.
INDEX. OF REFERENCE.
lix
Iviii
INDEX Or REFERENCE.
Loan for 1781, terms and. distri-
Irish associations, account of them,
Franklin, Dr., i. 397.
bution of the, i. 3 16. 321.
Free bottoms, vi.
-- for 1783, terms of, ii. 166.
428.
icnoriniicnaleturcriealbpill,roli)io. 11
siti4.
0ns,
French republic, iv. 47o. 473•
iii.
-- to the Emperor of Germany,
French Revolution, iv. 36, 41.
374 . 475 . vi. 237. 252.
51.
65. 77. 194. 199.
Habeas Corpus act, suspension of,
$4. 264.
---, terms of the one contracted
200. 215. 295.
411. 426. 466. 47o. v. 318. vi.
i. 66. 69, 7o. 72, 73. v. 270. 340.
with Messrs. Boyd, vi. 132.
J
363.
184. 465.
French principles,
Hanover, iii. 176.
v. 6. 22. 88. 108.
Justices, Middlesex, iv. 429, 430•
154. 330.502. vi. 196. 464.
Hardwicke, Earl of, vi. 6,6.
Funding system, iii.
Hastings, Mr., ii. 198. iii. 6. 13. 179,
M
156. 163. 206.
216. 244. 304. 346. 363. 465. v.
21 3 •
374 . 439,
K
126.
Macartney, Lord, iii. 174.
, his complaint of
Mackintosh, Mr. vi. 366.
Keppel, Admiral, i.
169. 296.
G
words spoken by Mr. Burke in
Majorities in parliament., iii. 427.
Westminster Hall, iii. 465.
King's illness, 111. 398.
Malta, vi. 507. 510.
--'s recovery, address on, iii. 458.
Gallery of the House of Commons,
Hesse Cassel, subsidiary treaty with,
Marriage act, Mr. Fox's bill for the
King of England holds every thing
propriety of admitting strangers
iii. 338.
repeal of, i. 398.
in trust for the people, i. 243.
into the, i. 57. 81. mi.
Holland,
332. 336. iv. 336. v. 18.
, royal, i. 16.
Game laws, vi. 140.
138. vi. 189. 275. 495.
Mediation of Russia, vi. 519. 524.
Genoa, v. 411. vi. 398.
Horne, Rev. John, his libel on the
530.
George the Second, his reign de-
Speaker of the House of Com-
Melville, Lord, proceedings against,
scribed, i. 7 9. 13
mons, i. 19.
4. comparison
Labourers in husbandry, wages of,
vi. 577.
between it and the reign of
Horseley, Dr., iv. 66. 424. vi. 23.
vi.
Members of parliament, utility of
103.
George the Third, i. 79.
Legacies of personal estates, duties
tests to, i. 263.
George the Third, plan of govern-
on, vi. 145.
Methuen treaty, iii. 258. 265. 268.
. ment adopted during the reign
I
Lewis the Fourteenth, iv. 35o. v.
280. 286.
of, i. 206. 209. vi. 14.
16o.
391.
Middlesex election, iv. 76. vi. 18.
, comparison be-
Impeachment, abatement of an, by
Lewis the Sixteenth, iii. 25 5. 274.
Middlesex Justices bill, iv. 429.
tween his reign and that of Henry
a dissolution of parliament, iv.
iv. 481.
i. 47. 191.
the Sixth, i. 209.
125.
Ministerial responsibility, iv. 109.
, murder of; v.
, his claim to the
Impey, Sir Elijah, iii. 355. 392.
16. 34. 138.
308. vi. 223.
throne founded upon the delin-
Indemnities, system of, vi. 400. 492.
Lewis the Eighteenth, vi. 418.
Ministers, motion of censure on,
quency of the Stuart family, i. 2Ic.
647.
Libel on the Speaker of the House
German despots, v. 380.
Influence of the crown. i. 7 9. 224.
Commons,
i. 19. the Rev. John
ii. 39. , motion for withdrawing
Germany, Emperor of, loan to the,
243. 258: ii. 176. 345.
of ome's,
Home's,
the confidence of parliament from,
v. 374 . 405 . 475.
Influence, secret, ii. 273. 278. 281.
on the Revolution of ,688,
ii. 43.
, advances to,
363.
Mr. Fox's complaint of, 23.
, motion for the removal
without the consent of parlia-
Invasion, vi. 219. 228.
on the managers of the im-
of,
343 . 377 . 4 1 4. 431-
ment, vi. 237. 252.
Ireland, i. 1 9 2.
the king's refusal to dis-
211. 213. 307. ii. 49.
peachment of Mr. Hastings, iii.
Gibraltar, ii. 102.
57 . 59 . 11 4. iii. 54 . V.
363. iv. 9
22. 422.
0. v. 131.
miss them, ii. 387.
Gordon, Lord George, 344.
429. 456.
305. 344. 444. 465.
----, Mr. Reeves's, on the British
, Mr. Grey's charges
Government, in what the differ-
616.
constitution, vi. So.
against, relative to the expen-
ence of an arbitrary and a free
, motion on the discontents
Libel bill, Mr. Fox's, iv. 244. 270.
27o
diture of the public money, vi.
L
one consists, i. 141.
in, i.
ibels, iv. 46
213.
4. 479.
165.
Grattan, Mr., i.
-,
216. ill. 97. v. 465.
Ministry, change of, ii. 46. 71. 142.
-, motion respecting the
Sir Elijah Impey's complaint
Grenada, relief to the merchants
omission of the . word " Ireland"
of sundry, published against him,
303.
of, v.483.
_
355.
aga
in the Mutiny Act, 307.
Monarchy, distinction between an
Li
Grenville act, ii. 45
berty
2. 479.
, motion respecting Earl
of the press, i. 236. iv. 246.
.absolute and. a limited, ii. 277.
Grey, Mr., iv. 286.
Fitwilliam's recal from the govern-
6
iz
368.
raite
Grievances, petition for the redress
d
ment of, v. 456.
service in the army) vi.
nature of; iv. 65.
65/,
of, from the delegated counties,
Mr. Fox's motion on the
Montesquieu, Baron de, vi. 637.
i. 332.
state of; vi. 305.
IX
INDEX OF REFERENCE.
INDEX OF REFERENCE.
lxi
Monument to the memory of Cap-
Parties, coalition of, 130. 40,
4
Revolution of 1688, iv. 53.
tain Faulknor, v. 433•
14.1. 153. 252. 319. 346. 352.373.
Frussja, V: 260. 298. 402. V1. 61.
king's message on the war
, Mr. Fox's com-
Muir & Palmer, trials of Messrs.,
381. 401.
plaint of a libel on, i. 23.
V. 202. 221. Vi. 58. 78.
Penal statutes, iv.
with, vi. 641.
242. 418. 43 3 . 459.
Prussian subsidy, v. 26o.
Revolution of France, iv. 3 6. 41. 51.
Mutiny bill, i. 307.
, respecting rel igious
65. 77. 194.. 199, 200. 215. 295.
•
opinions, bill to repeal certain,
Public accountants, 37o.
182.
Public revenue, state of the, iii. 155.
411. 426. 466. 470. v. 318. vi.
iv. 418.
465.
Pension list, Sir George Savile's
iv. 18.311.
Rights of Man, vi. 5.
motion for the, i. 23o.
Public meetings, vi.
es
Public money, Mr. Grey's charg
Right of petition, iii. 352.. V. 9 7 . vi.
National debt, iii. 206.
Pensioners and placemen, motion
against ministers relative to the
5 . 337•
Navy, state of the, i.
164. v.
for taxing them during the war,
expenditure of, vi. 165.
Right of search, vi. 430.
351.
v. 239.
Riots in 1780, i. 344. ii. 404. iv. 75.
-, enquiry into the ill success
People, voice of the,
4. 8. 256,
Robespierre, v. 49 7. vi. 96.
of in 1781, ii.
ii. 68. 4o4.
Rockingham, Marquis of, ii.7 . 139.
Nootka Sound, iv. 85. 114.
, sovereignty of the, v. 23.115.
2 54 . 348.
North, Lord, coalition between him
, right of the, to cashier their
- Quebec government bill, iv. 200.
Roliella war, iii. 220.
and Mr. Fox, ii. 122. 13o. 140.
governors, v. 23.
Quiberon, expedition to, v.493.501.
Roman catholics, iv. 3.58. 144. 424.
142. 155. 252. 346.
Personal estates, duties on legacies
V. 458. vi. 307.1111. 586.
Norton, Mr. Speaker, his speech to
of, vi. 145.
Roman catholics, bill for the relief
the king on presenting the House-
Petition, right of, iii. 352. v. 97.
of, i. 276.343.
hold bill,
84.
vi. 5. 337.
Receipt tax, ii. 495.
Roman catholic dissenters' relief'
Nullum Tempus act, 1. 6.
Pigot, Lord, deposition and im-
Reeves, Mr., his libel on the British
bill, iv. 144.
prisonment of, i. 9o.
constitution, vi. 80.
petition, Mr. Fox's mo-
Piluitz, treaty of, v. 17. 157. 197.
Reform, economical, in the public
tion respecting the, vi. 586.
0
vi. 185. 386.
expenditure, i. 222. 225. 233. 25o.
Rose, Mr., complaint against, for
Opposition, systematic, ii. 257.
Pitt, Mr., funeral honours to the,.
Reform of parliament,
abuses committed at the West-
memory of, vi. 6z5.
37o. 4 11. 476. 49o. 494
2 3 .
.
minster election, iv. 3 66. 413.
Placemen and pensioners, motion for
1 45 . iv. 76. 407.
V. 97. 102.
Rousseau's Social Contract, v. 115.
taxing them during the war, v. 239.
Royal burghs of Scotland, iv. 402.
P
339.
Vi.
Poland, iv. 4.57. V. 20. 3 9 . 42. 47.
Regency, iii. 398.
Royal family, policy of making a
Paine, Thomas, iv. 409..
88. 139. 159. 197. 309. 332. 404•
Relief to the merchants of Grenada
suitable provision for the branches
Paley, Dr., iv. 2 42. 421.
588. 609.
vi. 115. 201. 206. 396. 490.
and St. Vincent's, v. 483.
of the, i. 8 3 . iv. 360.
Palliser, Sir Hugh, 1. 287. 293.
Police magistrates bill, iv. 429.
Religious liberty, iv. 149:
Royal family of France, situation of
295.
Popish plot, iv. 458.
Religious persecution, iv. 5 7 . 421.
the, iv. 481.
Papist, iv. 152.
Portland, Duke of, v. 3.
V.291.
Royal marriage act, i. 16.
Parliament, beneficial effects of' the
Portugal,
258. 265. 268. 280.i
Religious opinions, bill to repeal
Russia, iii. 170, 171• iv. 171. 194.
inquisitorial power vested in, i.
286.
certain penal statutes respecting,
275.280. 291. 320. 3 29. 45 5. vi.
143.
Prerogatives of the crown, ii. 315.
iv. 418.
424. 519.324. 530. 62o.
-, right of, to controul
v. 75.
Representative and constituent bo-
, war between her and the
and resume the grants to the
Price, Dr., iv. 68.
dies, connection between, ii. 336.
Porte, iv. 173. 1 94. 275. 280. 291.
crown, for public purposes, i. 238.
Priestley, Dr., iv. 68. 297.
Representatives of the people, how
320. 329.
-, sale of scats in, v. 117.
Printers, committal of the Lord
far bound to comply
comply with the
Empress of, iv. 358.
Parliamentary addresses to the king,
Mayor to the Tower for dis-
wishes
2shes.
of
constituents, 10.
Russian armament, iv. 1 94. 275.
nature and extent of, iii. 298.
charging the, i. 8.
V i.
280. 291. 32o. 329.
Parliamentary reform, ii. 67. 171.
Privileges of the House of Cony
nefoernilie.r7ly). paid for
-
mediation, vi. 519. 524. 53o,
370. 411. 476. 490. 494. iii. 23.
mons, i. 265. 358.
their attendance,
1 45. Iv. 7 6. 407. v. 97.
R
102. vi.
Promotions in the army and navY).
_epublicanism,, iv. 452.
339•
i. 2 54. iii. 382.
Republicans
S
levellers, Mr.
Parliaments, duration of, i. 274.
Property tax, vi. 374 . 575 . 649..
Reeves's association against, iv.
Sandwich, Earl of, motion for the
172.
Protestant association, i. 292.
45 2 . v. 6o vi 72. 86.
removal of, from the Admiralty,
, triennial, v. 116.
dissenters, iii. 316. iv,
Resistan ce, doctrine of, vi. 22. 30.
i. 164.
Party, ii. 255. V.
vi.
6o.
3 2. 61. 66. 150.
--, conduct of, 1. 436. 443. ii. 2.
INDEX OF REFERENCE.
lxii
INDEX OF REFERENCE.
Westminster committee of associ-
Sardinia, v. 175. vi. 297.
or
s
Supplies, postponement of
Vote of thanks to Lord Hood f hi
t
ation, i. z88.
Scotland, iv. 469.
he,
k
conduct in the expedition to Cor-
3 8 7 . 398.
---, scrutiny,
iii z6.
, royal burghs of, iv. 402.
, power of withholding th
, Mr. Fox's addresses to
, criminal law of, v. 218.
the privilege of the Comraor;
Votes of
a' v. 3c2e2n.sure, true nature of,
the electors of, ii. 437.
Secession from parliament, vi. 370.
440. ii. 3 8 7 . 398.
i. 165.
election, complaint
Secret influence, ii. 2 73 . 278. 28i.
Switzerland,
397 . 493•
against Mr. Rose for abuses com-
363.
mitted at, iv. 366. 413.
Sedition, v. 223. vi. 77.
, Mr. Fox's letter to the
Sedition bills, vi. I. 329.
T
electors of, iv. 485.
Seditious writings, iv.
Wages of labourers in husbandry,
4 35. 45f . 453.
Whig principles, ii. z81.406. 440.
479.
Test and corporation acts,
vi. 103..
111. 'Aio,
Whitbread,
V.197. 380. v1.417.
, King's proclamation
Wales, Prince of, iii. 2 1 4 . iv. 365. V.
IV. I. 55. 147. 240. 418. 459.
White slave trade, vi. 4co.
against, iv. 435. 451.
Test act, as far as it extends to
43 8. vi. 482.
Wilkes, Mr., vi. 331.
•
Seditious practices, motion relative
Scotland, iv. 237.
, his debts, iii. 321.
Windham, Mr., iv. 96. 469. V.2. 208.
to the existence of, v. 58.
Tests to members of parliament
43 8. vi. 482.
, king's message respect-
, Prince and Princess of, es-
i. 263.
ing,
tablishment for, v. 436.
V. 270. 314.
Theatrical exhibitions, utility of
Y
Shelburne, Earl of, ii. 81.86. 98. 1 to.
Walpole, Sir Robert, iv. 28. v.53.
i. 81.
Sheridan, Mr., v. 308.
War, justifiable grounds of, v. 24.
Thirty-nine articles, i. 25. 17.
York, Duke of, v. 167.
Shop tax, iii. 202. 319. 379. 461.
Thurlow, Lord, i. 349. ii. 41.145.
40. 496.
489.
-, establishment of the Duke and
Sinecure offices, motion for the re-
Washington, General, v. 172. vi. 416.
Toleration, universal, i. 277. iv. 10
Duchess of, iv. 360.
duction of, vi. 3co.
Westminster petition for an econo-
57. 146, 147. 152. 225. 237.
York petition, for an economical
Sinking fund, in. 156. 163. 206.
418.
mical reform, i. 249.
V. 465.
reform, i. 225.
21 3 .
374. 439.
Tory principles, ii. 406.
Slave trade, abolition of the, iii. 387.
Toulon, v. 167. 079.
iv. ft. 180. 376. V. 55. 193. 384.
Trading justices, iv. 430.
vi.
6. 157. 400. 648. 658.
Traiterous correspondence bill, v.66.
Slave trade, white, vi. 400.
Treason, i. 312. V. 77.79. 82. vi.5o.
Slave importation bill, vi. 648.
75 . 330.
Slaves in the West Indies, Mr.
Treason and sedition bills, vi. 1.329.
Francis's motion respecting the
Treaties, subsidiary, iii. 334.
regulation of, vi. 156.
Trial by jury, v. 366.
Soldier, a man by becoming one
Triennial parliaments, v. 1i6.
does not cease to be a citizen, iv.
Tyranny, iv. 150.
34.52'
Sombreuil, Count de, V. 494.
Sovereignty of the people,v. 23.115.
U
Spain, iv. 87. 103. Ho: V. 406.
Unclaimed dividends, iv. 155.
Standing army, i. 48. ii. 143. iv. 52.
Universal suffrage, v. 1 07, x o8.
V. 51.
289. vi. 27. 364.
State of the nation, Mr. Fox's mo-
Utrecht, treaty of, iii. 275.
tion on the, v. 389.
, Mr. Grey's motion on the,
vi. 422.
V
Subscription to the thirty-nine ar-
ticles, i. 15. 17.
Vincent, Earl St., vi. 442 . 546.
Subsidiary treaties,
Voice of the people, 1. 4 . 8•
334.
Succession to real estates, duty on,
ii. 68. 404.
vi. 163.
Voluntary aids to government,
Suffrage, universal, v. 107. fo8. 285.
ii. fo6. 347.
226.
289. vi. 27.364.
Volunteer system, vi. 539.
Supplies, Mr. Thomas Pitt's motion
Vote of thanks to Lord Howe for th
e
for delaying the, 440.
victory of the first ofJune, V.311.
SPEECHES
L,
OF THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE
CHARLES JAMES FOX,
8cc. cS'e.
•••n11.1111MR.Ilaid
pt. FOX took his seat in the House of Commons at the
1 A. opening of the first session of the thirteenth Parliament of
Great Britain, which met on the loth of May, 1768. He was re-
turned for Micihtirst, in Sussex, a family borough, anti was
introduced into Parliament when he was little more than 19 years
of age, and consequently ineligible.
II.0n•••nn•MMOCIERIIKO•rndll•
MIDDIA:SEX ELECTION.
January 9. 57 70.
HE first speech made by Mr. Fox in the House of Commons,
of which any account has been preserved, took place at the
opening of the Session on the 9th of January 177o. In the course
The following is a List of the Administration at this time:
First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer — Lord North.
Secretaries of State—Viscount Weymouth, Earl of Rochford, Earl of
Hillsborough.(Colonies).
Lord Chancellor—Lord Camden. Succeeded, Jan. 17. 1 770, by the Hon.
Charles Yorke, created Lord Morden, but died on the following day,
before the seals were put to the patent of peerage. Upon this, the
great seal was put into commission, until the 23d of Jan. 1 77 1, when.
Lord Apsley was appointed Lord Chancellor.
Lord President of the Council—Earl Gower.
1 Lord Privy Seal—Earl of Halifax.
First Lord of the Admiralty— Sir Edward Hawke, K. B.
Secretary at War — Lord Barrington.
Paymaster-General of the Forces — Right Hon. Richard Rigby.
VOL. I.
REVENUE OFFICERS' BILL.
[Feb. 2.
ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE.
3
1 7 70]
of the debate on the King's Speech, Sir George Savile, in allusion
derman Beckford, advised Mr. Rigby to recollect, that the
to the decision with regard to the Middlesex Election, accused
Revolution was brought about by the remval of Judges at
the House of having betrayed the rights of the people. Upon
and that a great law officer, the Solicitor General,
this; Sir Alexander Gilmour rose up in great anger, and urged,
pleasure ;
(gr. Dunning,) had been just removed for his vote in that
that in times of less licentiousness, members had been sent to the
Tower for words of less offence. Sir George Savile repeated the
1.1 o ie.
offensive words. " Let others," said he, " full down and worship
Fox said: —I am against the motion. Correct
the golden image which Nebuchadnezzar has set up ; I will own
abuses and welcome; but do not correct one abuse, by
no superior but the laws, nor will 1 bow the knee to any but.
Ilim who made nie." Sir George was defended by Mr. Ser.
causing many. Remedy the influence of the peers at.
jeant Glynn. Mr. Burke spoke on the same side, and challenged
elections: that is the fatal influence of the crown. As to
the ministry to punish Sir George, if he was a delinquent. He
the removal of the law officer alluded to, it was the
said, the people abhorred the present ministry, and asked the
saying of a great minister, that he who would not remove
Speaker if he did not feel the chair tremble under him. Sir
11. man that was undermining administration " 4 was a
William Meredith observed, that one part of the Address, namely,
pitiful fellow." An honourable gentleman has talked about
thanking the King for his approbation of .the conduct of the
removing the Judges, as an unconstitutional and arbitrary •
House, would be construed without doors, that His Majesty
measure. But it is a pity he did not consider the difference
approved of the resolutions of the House in respect to the Mid-
dlesex Election.
between Judges and a Chancellor ; the Judges are in neither
House, therefore they cannot influence nor undermine; a
•
Mr. Fox observed, that from the licence gentlemen had
Chancellor may do both : the Chancellor may equitably
taken in their language that day, it seemed as if the old
and constitutionally be removed : the Judges cannot.
decent freedom of debate was at an end, and that they were
endeavouring to establish new firms. The expression in the
Address did not allude to any particular measure of Parlia-
ment, nor to every measure; as no one could suppose His
Majesty approved of every resolution taken by the House,
MR. SERJEANT GLYNN'S MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE TO
hut only of the general tenor of their actions.
ENQUIRE INTO THE ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUS-
TICE, AND THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE JUDGES IN WEST-
MINSTER HALL, IN CASES RELATING TO 'rrn LIBERTY OF
THE PRESS, AND THE POWER AND DUTIES OF JURIES.
December 6. 177o.
BILL FOR DISQUALIFYING CERTAIN REVENUE OFFICERS FROM
R. SERJEANT GLYNN moved, " That a Committee be
VOTING FOR. MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
12- appointed to enquire into the Administration of Criminal
Justice, and the Proceedings of the Judges in Westminster Hall,
February I2. I 77o. '"
particularly in Cases relating to the Liberty of the Press, and the
IN a committee on the state of the nation, Mr. Dowdeswell
Constitutional Power and Duties ofJuries." Mr. Alderman Oliver
-16- moved, " That a bill might be brought in for disqualifying
seconded the motion, and expressed his desire, that the committee
certain Officers in the Revenues from voting for Members of Par-
should have for a particular object of its enquiry, the conduct of
liament." In the course of the debate, the Lord Mayor, Mr. Al-
the chief delinquent, whom he believed to be Lord Chief Justice
Mansfield. A great display of legal knowledge was made by the
Treasurer of the Navy
Sir Gilbert Elliot.
learned mover, and by Mr. Dunning, in support of the motion.
Attorney-General — William De Grey, afterwards Lord Walsingham. Suc-
Mr. Serjeant Glynn affirmed, that a general belief prevailed of the
ceeded, Jan. 23. i771, by Edward Marlow, Esq. afterwards Lord
Judges being unfriendl y to juries, encroaching on their constitu-
Thurlow.
tional . power, and laying down false law in order to mislead them
Solicitor-General — Joseph Dim ning, Esq. Succeeded in March 1 770 by
1 their verdicts. Sir George Savile defended the motion warmly.
Edward Thurlow, Esq.; who was also succeeded, Jan. 23 .
1,1
1 771 , by
If you reject it," said he, " it will render you not only odious, but
Alexander Weddcrburn, Esq., afterwards Lord Loughboroug,h.
despicable. You will be thought possessed of no faith, no honour,
On the 13th of February 1770, Mr. Fox was appointed one of the
no conscience. Your name will become the ridicule and laughing,-
Lords of the Admiralty.
B 2
4
ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE. [Dec. 6.
ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE.
1.77o.J
stock of the rabble. The House will be exposed in songs, and
Sir, I could easily trace the authors of the outcry raised
ballads, and ditties, in every street : Flebit et tiizsizzis tota can-
• .t the Judges; and I would point them out, had not
tabilur urbe.' The authorlings and printers and printers' devils,
agams
tl as well 03 their selfish ends, been already exposed in all
will be all in motion. The press will labour and groan. News-
their deformity. Why, then, should we hesitate to puta ne-
papers, pamphlets, puns, and pasquinades, will increase and mul-
gative upon a question, which sprang from such a low source ?
tiply. Grub-street will pour out its thousands, and Paternoster-
From dirt it carne, and to dirt let it return. As to myself; I
row its tens of thousands ; and the land will be one scene of
anarchy and confusion." The arguments in favour of the Motion
certainly shall vote against the motion, as I can never acknow-
were combatted by Mr. Attorney-General De Grey, and Sir
ledge for the voice of the nation what is not echoed by the
Gilbert Elliot; and Lord Mansfield's character was strenuously
Majority of this House; and I do not find that the majority of
defended by Lord Clare and Mr. Jenkinson. Mr. Burke and
us entertain any suspicions, much less terrible apprehensions,
Mr. Wedderburn, while they supported the motion, disclaimed and
of the Judges; though, if there were any just foundation for
reprobated all those asperities of diction which had been used in
complaint, we must certainly have been better informed of it
speaking of the Lord Chief Justice, and paid a tribute of applause
than the people.
to his extraordinary talents and conspicuous integrity.
Indeed, Sir, if the adoption of this inquiry would answer
Mr. Fox spoke as follows :
any good purpose, I should not be such a violent opposer of it,
Sir, we are told by the abettors of this motion, that jea-
convinced as I am that the Judges are blameless. But I am
lousies, murmurs, and discontents increase and multiply
fully persuaded that would not be the case. For, as I have
throughout the nation ; that the
shewn, it would be an attempt to remove discontents which do
people are under terrible
apprehensions that the law is perverted, that juries are
not exist but among those who have generated, fostered, and
deprived of their constitutional powers, that the courts of
reared them up to their present magnitude, and who would
justice are not sound and untainted ; in a word, that the
not, therefore, be satisfied, though justice, though Astrea her-
Judges have, like a dozen of monstrous Patagonian giants,
self, should descend naked from heaven to exculpate our
either swallowed, or are going to swallow up both Iaw and
Judges. And, what is more, it would, on their own principles,
gospel. And how do they prove the truth of these allega-
prove fruitless and nugatory, even if we suppose the people to
tions ? The manner, Sir, is pleasant enough. They refer
be really discontented. For what have they been doing for
w;
to their own libellous remonstrances, and to those infamous
these two last years, but ringing constantly in our ears the
lampoons and satires, which they have taken care to write
contempt in which we are held by the people • Have not they
and circulate. They modestly substitute themselves in the
made these walls incessantly echo with the terms of reproach,
place of the nation, and call their own complaints and
which they alledged were cast upon us by men of every de-
grievances the complaints and grievances of England. Their
gree, by high and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned?
meaning is plain enough, and we understand perfectly how
Were we not, and are we not still, according to their account,
all their grievances might be redressed.
held in universal detestation and abhorrence ? Does not the
For my part, Sir, I am not disposed to take the voice of a
whole empire, from one end to the other, reckon us equally
miserable faction fin', the voice of my country. Were the
weak and wicked ? In a word, are we not become an abomi-
people really dissatisfied, I should be glad to know how I am
in the land? Such is the language of the minority.
to ascertain the reality .of that dissatisfaction ? I must freely
How then can they, with a serious face, desire us to undertake
this
confess that I know no other way but that of consulting this
enquiry, in order to satisfy the people? The people, if
House. Here the people are represented, and here is their
their former assertions are to be credited, will receive no good
voice expressed. There-is no other criterion but the majority
at our hands. They will regard what we say no more than
of this assembly, by which we can judge of their sentiments.
the prattle of a knot of coffee-house politicians. 'We are too
r
This man, in order to answer one purpose, and that man, in
idiculous as well as odious to do any thing that will appear
order to answer 'another, will tell you, that a general cry has
gracious in their eyes.
gone abroad against certain Men and certain measures: but
What, Sir, is the conclusion to be drawn ? Why, this. Let .
u
will you be so credulous as to take him upon his word, when
ssatisfy ourselves. Let us act according to the dictates of.
you can easily penetrate his interested views, and find him the
honour and conscience, and be at peace with our own minds.
original and prime mover of all the clamour ?
It is thus that we shall sooner or later regain the confidence of
3
6
NULL UM TEMPUS ACT.
[Feb. 27.
771.]
NULLUIU TEhIPUS ACT.
7
our constituents, if we have lost it; and not by humouring, as
whole legislature. However plausible these opinions were, the
foolish nurses humour great lubberly boys, the wayward whims
consequence showed they were ill-founded. A most expensive
of a misled multitude. The characteristic of this House
suit was not only commenced against the Duke of Portland, but
should be a firm and manly steadiness, an unshaken perseye-
the whole county of Cumberland was thrown into a state of the
rance in the pursuit of great and noble plans of general utility,
greatest terror and-confusion : 400 ejectments were served in one
and not a wavering inconstant fluctuation of councils, regu-
day; and though a great many of the causes were afterwards
withdrawn, it was notwithstanding said, some time before the matter
lated by the shifting of the popular breeze. If we are not to
was debated in the House of Commons, that there were fifteen
judge for ourselves, but to be ever at the command of the vulgar
bills in equity, and 225 suits at common law, then open. Nor
and their capricious shouts and hisses, I cannot see what ad-
were these mischiefs confined to those whose titles to their lands
vantage the nation will reap from a representative body, which
were immediately derived from the Portland family ; for as the
they might not have reaped from a tumultuous assembly of
royalties were very extensive, and their antient limits and jurisdic-
themselves, collected at random on Salisbury-plain or Runny-
tion undefined, no length of prescription could afford security, nor
mede. And it is very well known, Sir, that such an irregular
goodness of title prevent the consequences of a ruinous law-suit.
and riotous crowd are but ill-qualified to judge truly of their
In these circumstances, singled out by that clause from the rest
of the nation, and exposed as victims to satiate the last rage of
own interest, or to pursue it, even when they form a right judg-
exploded prerogative, the terror was great through all that part
ment. They are but very unsteady guardians of liberty and
of the kingdom. Accordingly, on the xi th of February 1771,
property. Do you want proofs ? Consult the English history,
Sir William Meredith moved for leave " to bring in a Bill to re.
and you will find them in every page.
peal a Clause in the Nullum Tempus Act, which protects such
Rights, Titles, or Claims, under any Grants or Letters Patent
Mr. Serjeant Glynn's motion was negatived upon a division ;
from the Crown, as are prosecuted with effect, within a certain
YEAS 76.
Noxs 184.
Time therein limited." Leave was accordingly given, and the bill
was brought in. It was supported by Mr. Constantine Phipps and
Mr. Cornwell ; and opposed by Mr. Dyson, Mr. Serjeant Leigh,
Lord North, Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Fox. On the 27th,
upon the motion for going into a Committee,
BILL TO REPEAL A CLAUSE IN THE NULLUM TEMPE'S ACT.
Mr. Fox said :
Sir, I take great shame to myself, that I have not risen
February 27. 7 7 I .
sooner to declare my sentiments on this important question :
for I think it disgraceful in any man to sit silent on such an
IIE Nullum Tempus Bill, or the act for quieting the posses-
occasion, who ever had the use or faculty of speaking in this
sions of the subject against all pretences of concealment
House ; but, Sir, my silence has been owing to ! my astonish-
whatsoever, which was first brought into the House of Commons,
ment. I was astonished. I was amazed. For though I
by Sir George Savile in 1768, and passed in the following: year,
viewed this Bill at first in the same light in which I now
owed its rise to a grant from the Treasury to Sir James Lowther, of
behold it; yet, when I looked round me, and . saw who the
a considerable estate and very extensive royalties, which had been
granted by King -William •to the Portland family, and had been
Honourable Gentlemen are who introduced it; that they are
in their possession from that time. A clause had been inserted in
men of character, men of ability, men of knowledge, men of
that act, by which the grantees or lessees of the crown were
reputed integrity; I hesitated, I strove to persuade myself,
allowed a year from its taking place, for the prosecution of their
that I must rather be mistaken myself, than that any thing so
chhns ; and though that Bill had been brought in and supported
bad, so violent, so lawless, so monstrous, could be advanced
by the Duke of Portland's friends, and his particular case had
by men such as those who proposed this Bill. But I could
shewn the necessity and was the origin of it, no opposition was
not long remain undecided ; I soon beheld the proposition in
made to the clause in question. The general opinion, indeed, at
all its naked, genuine deformity : then,' Sir, as I was at first
that time seems to have been, that the matter in contest had been
only thrown out to answer certain election purposes, which, being
struck dumb with astonishment, I was seized with horror and
now over, it would no more be thought of; especially as the
indignation : for who that has a reverence for justice, a sense
principle, upon which such claims were founded, had been just
of liberty, or a regard for the constitution, can listen, without.
condemned, in the most public manner, by an united act of the
feeling an honest zeal to defeat a proposition, which, at one
1 4
8
COMMITMENT OF THE LORD MAYOR, R [March 2S-
1771.1
AND MR. ALDERMAN OLIVER.
9
blow, destroys our constitution, our liberty, and our laws ?
several of the members. The obnoxious passages being read,
Gentlemen are loud in their clamours against ministerial in-
Colonel Onslow moved, that the printers should be called to jus-
fluence. I avow the systematic support of that minister in all
tice for infringing the standing order. After some debate, the
his measures, who has my good opinion and confidence; hut
printers were ordered to attend. When the Serjeant at Arms
that minister shall never have my support, who shall dare to
went to the houses of the printers, they were constantly denied ;
propose what these gentlemen, who are so proud of their op-
which being reported to the House, Colonel Onslow moved an
address to the King to issue a proclamation for the apprehension
position to ministers, now propose.
of the offenders. In consequence of which proclamation, Wheble
Mr. Speaker, it is under the law that every man holds his
was taken ainl carried before Alderman Wilkes, who not only dis-
property, and enjoys his liberty in security and ease. But I
charged him, but took recognizances for prosecuting the person
firmly believe, as far as I am informed, that no man can have
by whom he was apprehended. Thompson was similarly arrested,
a better title to his estate, than the very title which the crown
and discharged by Alderman Oliver.
has vested in Sir James Lowther to the estate in question. If
On the izth of March, Colonel Onslow preferred a fresh com-
that title is to be taken away by act of Parliament, why not
plaint against six other printers for the same offence. They were
bring in an act to take away any other part of his estate ?
ordered to attend the House : four presented themselves ; a fifth
could not attend, being in custody in Newgate, by order of the
Why not of another man's ? For, if Bills are thus to pass for
House of Lords ; the other, whose name was Miller, refused to
transferring the property of one man to another, there can be
obey the summons, and an order was issued for taking him into
nothing sacred, nothing secure amongst us. 1 wish, therefore,
custody by the Serjeant at Arms. When the messenger appeared,
Sir, that the gentlemen who brought in this Bill, would, for
Miller refused to submit to the arrest, and violence being used, a
their honour's sake, withdraw it. Sure I am, that my con-
constable, prepared for the purpose, took charge of the officer,
science would never suffer me to be at rest, were I to per-
and carried him to Guildhall, to-answer for the assault. Mr.Wilkes,
petrate the injustice intended by this Bill. As to myself; Sir,
the sitting alderman, having finished the business of the day, re-
the same conviction, which dictates my present opposition,
fused to take cognizance of the affair, and the parties were con-
shall carry me on to oppose the Bill in every step, through
ducted to the Mansion-House. The Lord Mayor ( Alderman
every stage. But if it should succeed here, it cannot succeed
Brass Crosby), attended by Aldermen Wilkes and Oliver, admitted
the parties ; Mr. Miller made his complaint, and the Lord Mayor
elsewhere. I do therefore again deprecate the honour and
asked the messenger what offence the printer had committed, and
justice of this House, that we may not suffer the scandal of
by what authoriry he presumed to assault him ? The messenger
passing this Bill to lie at our doors, and give the honour of
pleaded, that he acted under the direction of the Speaker, and
rejecting it to the other House of Parliament.
produced his warrant, The Deputy-Serjeant now announced
The question, " That the Speaker do now leave the chair,"
himself, and said he came there by the Speaker's command, to
being put, the House divided :
demand, not only the messenger, but Miller, his prisoner. His
Tellers.
application was refused, and Mr.Miller discharged. The assault
Tellers.
{Mr. Seymour
was next proved : the messenger refused to give bail, and a war-
EAS
Mr. Onslow
YEAS
rant for committing him to the Compter was signed by the Lord
Byng
{ Mr. Charles Fox} '64.
The Bill was consequently lost.
Mayor and the two Aldermen. When the matter had proceeded
to this extremity, and the officers were ready to take away the
messenger, bail was given.
The Deputy Serjeant at Arms immediately related these transac-
tions to the House. Orders were issued for the Lord Mayor and
Alderman Oliver to attend in their places. The Lord Mayor was
DEBATE ON COMMITTING THE LORD MAYOR AND MR. AL-
heard in his defence; after which it was resolved, that. the discharg-
ing Miller out of the custody of the messenger, the signing a war-
DERMAN OLIVER, TO THE TOWER, FOR DISCHARGING THE
rant against the said messenger, and the holding him to bail, were
PRINTERS APPREHENDED BY ORDER OF THE HOUSE.
breaches of the privileges of the House. Mr. Alderman Oliver
March 25. 177 I.
1
was then heard in his defence. He declared that " he owned and
gloried in the fact laid to his charge ; he knew, that whatever
punishment was intended, nothing he could say would:avert it. As
nN the 8th of February, Colonel George Onslow made a com-
plaint
for himself, he was perfectly unctmcerned ; and, as he expected
to the House, of Thompson and Wheble, two printers
a
little from their justice, he defied their power." Upon this,
newspapers, for misrepresenting the speeches, and reflecting on
10
COMMITMENT OF THE LORD MAYOR, [March 25.
'AND MR. ALDERMAN OLIVER.
1771.]
-
Mr. Welbore Ellis moved, 4 4 That Richard Oliver, Esq. be for his
justice than to our constituents ; we are chosen the delegates
said offence committed to the Tower." The motion was supported
of the British electors for salutary not for pernicious pur-
by Mr. Attorney-General Thurlow and Mr. Fox ; and opposed by
to auard, not to invade the constitution n, to keep
Sir George Savile, Mr. Serjeant Glynn, Mr. Alderman Townshend,
Mr. Barre, and Mr. Dunning. Mr. Fox spoke in
p'rivilegCs of the , very freemen we represent, as much
answer to the
P4ses
latter gentleman.
within their proper limits, as to controul any unwarrantable
exertion of the Royal authority, We are bound to promote
Mr. Fox said :
their true interests in preference to the clearest desires of
Sir, notwithstanding what the Honourable arid Learned
their hearts, and the constitution makes us the sole arbiters
Gentleman who spoke last has been pleased to urge with
of those interests, notwithstanding the imaginary infallibility
regard to the divided views and the divided interests of the
To people
'b -
House of Commons and the people, he has riot been able to
of
,e Sir, the propriety of this reasoning, let us
convince me, either that the authority of this House is not the
suppose that the people, instead of this mixed monarchy,
best security of the national freedomn or that our welthre
which we celebrate as equally the pride and envy of the
can
possibly be separated from the welfare of the public.
universe, should instruct us, their representatives, to intro-
Sir, the Honourable Gentleman is pleased to say, that the
duce a democratical form of government; should we act as
voice of this House is not the voice of the people, and he sets
good subjects to our King, or as faithful guardians to our
the language of clamour without doors in opposition to our
country, if we complied with so dangerous an instruction ?
deliberations, as if we were not especially appointed by the
We have sworn to maintain this constitution in its present
constitution, the only revealers of the national mind, the only
form ; to maintain the privile es of Parliament as a necessary
g
judges of what ought to be the sentiments of the kingdom. I
part of that constitution, and' neither to encroach upon the
say, Sir, what ought to be, because many laws are highly
legal jurisdiction of the peers, nor the just prerogatives of the
necessary for the public safety, which excite the discontent of
Sovereign. Shall we, then, do what we are sensible is wrong,
the people. If we were never to pass a law, until it obtained
because the people desire it ? Shall we sacrifice our reason,
the sanction of popular approbation, we should never have a
our honour, our conscience, for fear of incurring the popular
settled revenue to support either the establishment of our
resentment, and while we are appointed to watch the
domestic policy, or to defend ourselves against the invasion of
Hesperian fruit of liberty with a dragon's eye, be ourselves
a foreign enemy. You never see a tax instituted, Sir, without
the only slaves of the whole community ?
hearing loud impeachments of parliamentary integrity. The
Perhaps the Honourable and Learned Gentleman will tell
uninformed zealots, who seem animated with an enthusiastic
me, that nothing but the "soul of absurdity" could suspect
love for their country, generally charge us with having sold
the people of a design against their own happiness. Sir, I do
them to the minister; and we are accused of venality for im-
not suspect the people of any such design, but I suspect their
posing those burdens, which we know to be absolutely
capacity to judge of their true happiness. I know they are
necessary, and to which we ourselves, if the House of Com-
generally credulous, generally uninformed; captivated by ap-
mons is supposed an assembly of the first property in the
pearances, while they neglect the most important essentials,
state, must always be the largest contributors.
and always ridiculously ready to believe, that those men who
Sir, it may possibly appear strange, .that a representative
have the greatest reason, from their extensive property, to be
of the people should not deem it more meritorious to comply
anxious for the public safety, are always concerting measures
with the wishes of his constituents, than to counteract them;
for the oppression of their own posterity. Sir, if I misrepre-
and it may possibly be urged, that it is his duty, upon all oc-
sent the people, whence spring those eternal terrors of being
casions, to act in conformity to those wishes, however repug-
ruined in the midst of the most unbounded prosperity ? Have
nant they may be to the sense of his own conviction. Sir, I
we not tottered, if popular clamour is to be credited, upon the
will not diftbr with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman
verge of ruin, since the first moment of our existence as a na-
about the idea he annexes to his term of 4 the people ;' I will,
tion ? Indeed, at the period of the Revolution, patriotism itself
for argument-sake, allow that nine-tenths of the people are
acknowledges we were saved; yet from that period let us only
at this moment in opposition to government. But I shall
read the works of our greatest politicians, and we shall find
at the same time insist, that we have higher obligations to
ourselves utterly undone ! Even our glorious deliverer was
Is
12
COMMITMENT OF THE LORD MAYOR,
[March 25.
AND MR. ALDERMAN OLIVER.
z 3
177 I.]
scarcely seated upon the throne, when the grateful people,.
room. If we except deaths and promotions, Sir, are not the
whose liberties he had restored, began to consider him as
former traitors, nearly to a man, again the representative body
an enemy, to the constitution. In every succeeding reign it
of the legislature— again trusted with the freedom of the
was asserted that we were destroyed, and at this moment,
subject — again the express election of the people ? When
although exulting in all the pride of a felicity never knovm to
we behold these things, Sir, we are immediately struck with
our ancestors, we are gravely told, that we have reached the
this alternative — either the people are not judges of their
deepest abyss of destruction !
own welfare, or they have sold themselves for an infamous
Let us look around, Sir, let us survey the monuments of our
price, to their members. In either case, the conclusion
ruin, and then ask what credit is due to the representations of
proves the little regard which ought to be paid to their com-
our political screech-owls ? Observe the magnificence of our
plaints, against the sense of our conviction. If they arc vir-
metropolis—the extent of our empire—the immensity of our
tuous, they are not wise and if they possess wisdom, they
commerce—the opulence of our people. Survey the unfor-
have no right to find fault, since every oppression they
tunate citizens of London, Sir and you will find every shop-
groan under is the natural result of their own scandalous.
keeper of any consideration, with his elegant villa", and his
dishonesty.
variety of equipages. Consider only the present opposition
It is urged, Sir, with great gravity, by many gentlemen in
of the city of London to the whole body of the British legis-
opposition, that the House of Commons, as the creatures of
lature, and then judge how it must be oppressed ! To spew
the people, have no right whatever to exercise an authority
you farther the 'ruined state of the kingdom, let me remind
over their constituents. This position, Sir, breathes the
you that our territories occupy no more than the largest, the
spirit of freedom with a vengeance, for it lays the axe to the
most valuable space of any European dominion in the four
root of all subordination at once, and puts an entire end to the
quarters of the globe; that our trade is proportioned to this
whole system of - constitutional government.
superiority of empire, and that our subjects, from the burning
• No doctrine, Sir, was ever yet broached in this kingdom,.
regions of Indostan, to the chilling mountains of Canada,
either so dangerous, or SO ridiculous, as that which seriously
exceed the subjects of every other power in greatness of
insists that the House of Commons, because elected, is
wealth, and certainty of freedom. These, Sir, are the proofs
without jurisdiction, and that the people, because the origin
of our declining fortune ! May our calamities of this kind
of all power, must therefore be exempt from all obedience.
hourly increase, though the people should still continue to.
The people make the laws, as well as the legislators; but
murmur ! and may we always remain the happiest nation
will any advocate of licentiousness presume to say, because
under heaven, however offended our patriots may be because
they are the. fountain of authority, that they are of con-
we are not happier than is consistent with the lot of hu-
sequence discharged from a submission to legal institutions ?
manity !
The law, Sir, is as much the creature of their formation
Prom what I have advanced, Sir, with respect to our
as this House; yet, surely, it will not be said, that they are
duty as representatives of the people, it naturally follows,
to tread it under foot, or to launch out into the barba-
that we are by no means to act against our own Judgment
risms of their natural •state, after solemnly forming a com-
merely to gratify their ill humour or their caprice. In
pact of civil society.
Charles the 'First's time, the unlimited indulgence of the po-
The only point, therefore, remaining to be discussed is,
pular wish occasioned the destruction of the constitution ;
Whether the people at large, or this House, are the best
and, if the present allegations of popularity deserve the least
jud
ges of the public welfare? For my own part, Sir; I
weight, they spew what incompetent judges the people are of
shall not hesitate to pronounce positively in favour of this
the public'prosperity. The last Parliament, Sir, was as ob-
House. What acquaintance have the people at large with
noxious to the people, as the one in which we are now sittingi
the arcana of political rectitude, with the connections of
they approved what it is fashionable to term an infamous'
kingdoms, the resources of national strength, the abilities
peace, and they expelled a profligate libeller of their lawful
of ministers, or even with their own dispositions ? If we are
Sovereign; yet, with all this weight of delinquency upon their
to believe the very petitions which they have lately presented
heads — reviled and- execrated as they were by the people —
to the throne, they are unequal to those powers which the
look round, and gee who the people have chosen in their
constitution has trusted to their hands. They have the
SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
I 5
4
COMMITMENT OF THE LORD MAYOR. [March 25.
1772.]
power of electing their representatives; yet you see they
DF,DATE ON TIIE CLERICAL PETITION FOR RELIEF FROM SUR-.
constantly abuse -that power, and appoint those as the
SC RIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
guardians of their dearest rights, whom they accuse' of
relmany 6.
conspiring against the interests of their country. For
77 2.
these reasons, Sir, I pay no regard whatever to the voice
WILLIAM MEREDITH moved for leave to present a Peti-
of the people : it is our duty to do what is proper, without
QM
tion from certain of the Clergy of the Church of England, and
considering what may be agreeable : their business is to
in of the Professions of Ci4 Law and Physic, praying for re-
clause us ; it is ours to act constitutionally, and to maintain
i
cierfta
from the Subscription to t• larty-nine Articles. Sir William
read the petition, and spoke v.'..rmly in its behalf. He was sup-
the independency of Parliament. 'Whether that independency
ported by Lord George Germain, Mr. Thomas Pitt, Lord John
be attacked by the people or by the crown, is a matter of
Cavendish, Mr. Thomas Townshend, Sir George Savile, Mr. Soli-
little consequence; it is the attack, not the quarter it pro-
citor-Genera l Wedclerburn, and Mr. Dunning. The speakers . on
ceeds from, which we are to punish ; and if we are to be
the opposite side were Sir Roger Newdigate, Mr. Fitzmaurice,
controuled in our necessary jurisdiction, can it signify
Lord Folkestone, Mr. Byrne, Lord North, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke,
much, whether faction intimidate us with a rabble; or the
Mr. Dyson, Mr. Jenkinson, and Mr. Hans Stanley.
King surround us with his guards? If we are driven from
the direct line of justice by the threats of a mob, our exis-
Mr. Fox said, he was against rejecting the petition, if that
tence is useless in the community. The minority within
rejection was intended -as a mode of skewing contempt; but
doors need only assault us by their myrmidons without, to
that he must be against receiving it, as a reception would be
gain their ends upon every occasion. Blows will then carry
a. kind of engagement to proceed; which he hoped would not
what their arguments cannot effect, and the people will he
be done : that the Articles, savouring as they did of Christian,
their own agents, though they elect us to represent them
charity, nevertheless taught such mysteries as ought not to be
in Parliament. What must the consequence be? Universal
forced down the throats of young persons; that at Oxford,
anarchy, Sir. Therefore, as we are chosen to defend order,
where the oaths of supremacy and allegiance could not be
I am for sendina those magistrates to the Tower who have
sending
administered before the age of sixteen, an assent to the Thirty-
attempted to destroy it: I stand up for the constitution, not
nine Articles was required by statute, however young the
for the people ; if the people attempt to invade the con-
person might be who was admitted; that he hoped the uni-
stitution, they are enemies to the nation. Being, therefore,
versities would, as he understood they could, relieve in that
Sir, convinced that we are to do justice, whether it is
particular; and that a minister who would subscribe the
agreeable or disagreeable to the people, I am for maintaining
Articles, and afterwards preach against them, would make little
the independency of Parliament, and will not be a rebel to
Impression on his audience.
my King, my country, or my own heart, for the loudest
divided question, That the Petition be
4i brought up, the House
huzza, of an inconsiderate multitude.
Tellers.
Tellers.
The question being put for the committal of Mr. Alderman
yEA s Sir W. Meredith
Sir It. Newdigate 1
Oliver to the Tower, the House divided :
Sir H. Hoghton / — NOES
Mr. Jenkinson
2 I7.
Tellers.
Tellers.
So it passed in the negative. -I-
{Mr. Pulteney
YEAS {Mr. Onslow 17o. — NOES
Mr. W
hately
Mr. Hussey
38'
* For an interesting account of the origin and progress of the Clerical
So it was resolved in the affirmative ; and the House adjourned
Petition, see Mr. Belsham's Memoirs of the Rev, Mr. Lindsey. See
at half past three on the morning of the 26th. A similar motion
also New Parliamentary History of England, vol. xvii. p. 245.
passed with regard to the Lord Mayor, on the 27th.
1 Mr. Gibbon, in a letter to Mr. Holroyd, dated Boodles, February 8.
1772, says " I congratulate you on the late victory of our dear mamma
the Church of England. She had last Thursday 71 rebellious sons, who
Pretended to set aside her will on account of insanity : hut 217 worthy
champion's, headed by Lord North, Burke, Hans Stanley, Charles Fox,
&e. though they allowed the thirty-nine clauses of her testament were
.!)surd and unreasonable, supported the validity of it with infinitt humour."
See Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol. i.
447.
ROYAL MARRIAGE ACT.
[March 91
1172. ] SUBSCRIMION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
17
able fatality, that same minister had become the promoter of
ROYAL MARRIAGE ACT.
a Bill which seemed big with mischief, and likely to bring
upon the country that very anarchy and confusion from which
March 9. 1772.
his former conduct had rescued it, no consideration of regard.
or good opinion should prevent him from giving his most de-
IN the stunmer of 1771, the Duke of Cumberland, one of the
termined opposition to every part of the Bill in every stage of
King's brothers, privately married Mrs. Horton, widow of
its progress. fie then entered into the argument, and in the
Christopher Horton, Esq., of Catton Hall, in the county of Derby,
and
remainder of his speech there was nothing personal to Lord
daughter of Lord Irnharn : :when the match was publicly an-
nounced, His Majesty forbad them the court. The displeasure
North. When Lord North rose to speak in the course of the
shewn by the King on this occasion, did not deter the Duke of
debate, he took notice of what Mr. Fox had said with regard
Gloucester, in the ensuing spring, from avowing as his consort the
to him, and observed, that he fhould always lament when a
Countess Dowager of liValdegrave, whom he had espoused in 1766.
gentlema n of whose abilities and integrity he bad so high an
On the zoth of February 1772, the King sent a Message to both
opinion differed from him, and that the manly, open, and
Houses; stating, " That the right of approving all marriages in
spirited mariner in which that gentleman had, from the first,
the Royal Family had ever belonged to the Kings of this realm
communicated to him his objections to the Bill, and his inten-
as a matter of public concern, and' recommending them to take
tions of opposing it, had increased instead of lessening the
into consideration, whether it might not be wise and expedient to
esteem in which he held him.
supply the defect of the laws, and by some new provision, more
effectually to guard the descendants of George the Second, from
The question being put, That the other orders of the day be
marrying without the approbation of His Majesty, his heirs, or
:now read, the House divided:
successors." In consequence of this message, a bill was brought
Tellers.
.
Tellers.
into the Lords, by which it was declared, that none of the Royal
{Mr. Onslow }
{Mr. Charles Fox -t
Family, being under the age of 25 years, should marry without the
YEAS
1 40.
Mr. Cooper zq. -- NOES
Mr. Seymour
King's consent ; after attaining that age, they were at liberty, in
i
Mr. Dowdeswell's motion was consequently lost. The Bill was
case of the King's refusal, to apply to the Prify Council by an-
passed, on the 2 4th of March, without any amendment.
nouncing the name of the person they were desirous to espouse, and
if, within a year, neither House of Parliament should address the
King against it, the marriage might be solemnized; but all persons
assisting in, or knowing of an intention in any of the Royal Fa-
mily to marry without fulfilling these ceremonies, and not disclos-
ing it, should incur the penalties of a premunire. The Bill passed
the Lords after much opposition. In the Commons every clause
MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE TO CONSIDER OF THE SUBSCRIP-
was debated with great warmth. On the 9th of March, Mr. Dow-
TION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
deswell moved, " That it does not appear that the proposition
offered in His Majesty's Message, viz. That the right of approv-
February 23. 1773.
ing all marriages in the Royal Family has ever belonged to the
Kings of this realm as a matter of public concern,' is founded in
CIR WILLIAM MEREDITH having moved the order of the day,
law, or warranted by the opinion of the Judges of England. Upon
" for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of the whole
this motion, Mr. Welbore Ellis moved the other orders of the
House, to consider of the Subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles
day. A long and violent debate ensued, in the course of which,
of the Church of England, or any other Test now required of per-
sons in either of the two Universities, several Members were for
Mr. Fox entered on the matter in debate. Fie said, that it
putting an immediate negative thereon, and called loudly for the.
question,
gave him much pain to be obliged to differ from a minister
whether the Speaker should leave the Chair, Sir Wil-
liam acquainted the House with his general reasons, as well
whose -general conduct he so much approved, arid whose
as
-
what appeared to be the sense of the House last year, on the im-
political principles he admired; a minister who, with unex-
propriety of imposing Tests upon youth at the time of matricula-
ampled resolution, had stood forth in the most critical
tion ; and assured those gentlemen, that. if they were determined,
and dangerous moment to save his country from that anarchy
to put a negative upon the proposed inquiry, in the first instance,
and confusion into which it was about to be plunged by fac
he intended to transfer the debate from the present motion, to
men. But since, by some wi
-tious and ill-designing
aecount-
another question; namely, Whether this House be competent to
VOL. I.
18 SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. [Feb. 23,
1773.] LIBEL ON THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 19
judge of the propriety or impropriety of any Subscription or Test
solemnly to attest and subscribe to the truth of a string
established at our Universities? The motion for • the Speaker's
trained
of propositions, of which they are as entirely ignorant of
leaving the Chair, was opposed by Sir Roger Newdigate, 1\\1%
Welbore Ellis, Mr. Cornwall, Mr. Jenkinson, Sir William Dolden,
as t hey are of the face of the country said to be in the moon.
and Lord North ; and supported by Mr. Dowdeswell, Mr. Grey,
The question being put, That the Speaker do leave the chair,
Mr. Frederick Montagu, and Mr. Fox.
the House divided :
Tellers.
Tellers.
Mr. Fox said : I rejoice, Sir, to find that we are at last got
Ens Mr. C. James Fox}
Sir R.Newdigate
into a debate from which I was afraid we were altogether de-
Mr. F. Montagu
NOES Sir Wm. Dolten j159'
parting. As the matter has been managed, the question before
So it passed in the negative.
this House is simply, Whether it be at all expedient for the.
legislative power to interpose in an affair of this kind ?
I was exceedingly young, Sir, when I went to the Univer-
sity; not however so young but that the matter of Subscrip,
lion struck me. At the age of twelve, youth, when matricu-
lated, are required to subscribe, ' Articuli fidei duntaxat,' but
THE REVEREND JOHN HORNE'S LIBEL ON THE SPEAKER OF
at sixteen, they arc to subscribe the oaths of allegiance and.
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:
supremacy : now, Sir, whether it be supposed that their po-
litical creed is of more importance than their religious one, I.
February II. 1774•
will not take upon me to determine, but it should seem that
the institution supposes them not capable of understanding
T HE SPEAKER, Sir Fletcher Norton, complained to the House,
of a Letter which had been addressed to him in the Public,
the sublime mysteries ofpolitics until sixteen, though at twelve
Advertiser of that day, ligned " Strike—but Hear," charging him.
it is apprehended that they can both understand, relish, and'.
with injustice, and with a predilection for Mr. De Grey, in the
swallow down the sublimer mysteries of religion ! As to the
progress of the Tottington Inclosure Bill. Sir Edward Astley and
distinction which has been laid down by. a right honourable
Mr. Alderman Sawbridge, who were fully acquainted with the
gentleman who spoke some time since, that " it is only sub-
progress of the affair, denied all the facts charged in the Letter,
scribing to what they are hereafter to be instructed in, and
and asserted that there had not been the least partiality in the
means no more than a repetition of a creed," Sir, this sub-
Speaker, as the whole business had been transacted according to
scription, as well as repetition, is a solemn thing ; it is a seri-
the usual forms. The House was now silent for the space of
ous attestation of the truth of propositions, not a syllable of
two minutes, and the order of the day was going to be read, when
Mr. Herbert, conceiving that an attack of such an atrocious na-
which, according to the right honourable gentleman's own
ture upon the character of their Speaker was not to be passed
confession, the youth who subscribes can understand. Why,
over without exposing the privileges of the House to the utmost
therefore, attest the truth of what he is ignorant ? Is not this
contempt, moved, That H. S. Woodfall, the printer of the Public
to teach our youth to prevaricate? And will not a habit of
Advertiser, do attend that House. Sir Joseph Mawbey thought
prevarication lead to the destruction of all that prompt, inge-
the Letter was written with a view to injure the liberty of the
nuous frankness, which ought to be the glory and the pride
Press, and set His Majesty again at variance with the City : he,
of youth ?
therefore, wished the House to abstain from noticing the Libel,
This House, Sir, is accustomed to accept of the simple af-
and referred the Speaker to the courts of law for redress.
firmation of witnesses; and is it not a dangerous doctrine to
Mr. Fox said, he agreed with the worthy baronet, that the.
teach, that becausean oath is not administered, a person may
Letter was written with an intent to injure the liberty of the
solemnly bear attestation to the truth of what may, for aught
press, for it was full of such flagrant falsehoods, that no
he can tell, be entirely false? I, Sir, can relish no such doc-
flan of sense who read it, could put the least belief in its..
trine; I think it has a highly injurious tendency; and I should
highly
therefore wish that the
should leave the chair, in
order that we may discuss the advantages which can redound
A copy of the Libel will be found in the New Parliamentary :History,
to the state, us well as to individuals, from. our ,youth being
Yo)• p. roo6. It is of considerable length. It accuses Sir Pletcher
N a s
12
candalous violation of his dangerous trust, and of gross and
e
ON THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 21
20
THE REVEREND JOHN HORNE'S LIBEL
[Feb. i r;
17741
He likewise agreed, that the motion might be productive of
Mr. Fox said, he was not against sp ewing lenity to any
unpleasant effects; but, was any member of that House, and
an; but to a person who had been proved to be guilty of
m
much more their Speaker, to be libelled in so gross a man-
an atrocious crime, he thought the bare commitment to
ner, and be obliged to descend to a law-suit ? No ! he hoped
the custody
custody of the Serjeant at Arms was not sufficient : it
they would always preserve their privileges, and protect them-
his intention to move that he be com
mitted to
y,v-aes4itteei:efre
abst,b e
selves; for it would be an absurdity to appeal to an inferior
proper place where offenders should be sent
court for protection. Would the Court of King's Bench,
to, although hints had been thrown out, that the sheriffs of
for instance, apply to the Court of Common Pleas? The
London would not admit him. He said, that the printer,
honourable baronet dreaded the consequences that might
for the purpose of shewing the House how much he regarded
arise from the motion ; and with reason. For the printers,
the Speaker's order, had, on Saturday morning last, printed
from the lenity they had experienced when they were last at
verbatim the Resolutions of the House. Tie then moved
the bar *, seemed to imagine, that they had a right to libel
his Amendment, by leaving out the words, " taken into the
any of the members, and if suffered to go on at that rate,
custody of the Serjeant at Arms attending this House,"
would next claim, as one of their privileges, the right of
and inserting the words " committed to Newgate" instead
libelling whomsoever they pleased. The House was now
thereof.
warm in the matter, and now, therefore, was the properest
time to discuss and ego through with it.
Lord North said he was sorry to hear Mr. Fox mention, that
hints had been thrown out of what the Sheriff' • of London would
do. He hoped there were no persons who would dispute the
After a debate of some length, the House resolved, " That
the said Letter to Sir Fletcher Norton is a fidse, malicious, and
power of the House, and would therefore move, that the printer
be committed to the Gatehouse, as he thought it would be
-scandalous Libel, highly reflecting on the character of the Speaker
highly imprudent to force themselves into a contest with the City.
of this House, to the dishonour of this House, and in violation
As to shewing lenity, he had no objection, provided the printer
of the privileges thereof;" and the printer was ordered to attend
would afterwards petition ; but it was necessary, for the honour of
on the r4th. Mr. Woodfall obeyed the summons, and on being
the House, that he should be committed to some gaol. Captain
interrogated, informed the House, that the Reverend John Horne
Phipps was surprized to hear the word honour mentioned in the
was the author of the obnoxious paper. The House resolved,
House ; he thought it had been discarded : he knew of no honour
that the Printer was guilty of a breach of privilege ; and Mr.
they ought to contend for, but the honour of doing the duty of
Herbert moved, that he might. be taken into the custody of the
their constituents : if they acted consistently, they need never he
Serjeant at Arms. This occasioned a debate :
afraid of their conduct being arraigned ; but he was sorry to say
they had lost the confidence of the people.
falsehood. It concludes thus : " Sir, I am free to acknowledge that such
Mr. Fox insisted, that the members had not lost the con-
language as this I hold to you, and in such a disreputable channel,
fidence of the people by the conduct they had pursued with
should not in a policed nation be suffered even to a private individual,
much less to the first great officer
regard to the Middlesex Election, as had foolishly been ima-
of the people. But, alas ! we are
not a policed nation ; for the laws have lost their edge towards the „.
gilled, but by tamely submitting to the numerous insults that
guilty, and are no longer the refuge of the innocent. You are not the
had been offered to the Sovereign and to the House. Had
officer of the people ; for though you bear that respected and awful
he his will, he declared that the Aldermen and others who
name, yet yourself and all others know that you owe your , situation
to
had presented their Remonstrances to the throne, should have
the corrupt influence of that accursed plan of power, which has left
us no right but that of lamentation. This right I will freely exercise in
been taken into custod y. A few years ago, the House had
this country, until the tongue shall cleave to the roof of my mouth.
sent two Aldermen of London to the Tower *, but had suf-
All sorts of punishment, I know, are at the discretion of your employers;
fered a paltry printer, J. Miller, to hold them in contempt :
and, according to their fancy or policy, they will, when they please, in- •
flict it. But I shall think myself well rewarded, if I can only awaken
the man had not vet obeyed their summons, and, he sup-
from their lethargy some few honest members of the House of Com-
Posed, never would. By these means it was, that the mem-
mons, to watch over the wickedness which von are daily perpetrating
bers had forfeited the good will of their constituents; but he
under the pretence of form. And whatever happens to myself, I will,
with the patient Greek of old,
" STIIIKE but awl."
* See page 9.
* See p. 14.
c 3
I
22
THE REVEREND JOHN IIORNE'S LIBEL, &C. [Feb. I
17741
LIBEL ON THE REVOLUTION OF 1688.
23
hoped they would now prove, that no man in the kingdom,
might not think the printer deserved any lenity for
the House of Peers excepted, had a right to disobey the or-
to%ey
obeying the summons, or giving- up the author of the libel ;
der of that House; for if they had a right to summon per-
seeing that he had done no more than his duty. The author,
sons for information, they had a right to summon them for
Mr. Fox observed, was no object to him; the printer who had
any thing.
•
inserted so infamous a libel, he was the greatest culprit, and
ought to have been committed to Newgate, as was at first
After some further debate, Mr. Fox withdrew his motion
moved. He should, however, reserve his sentiments, until
Lord North moved his amendment ; and the question being put,
the printer thought proper to petition the House for his dis-
That the words " taken into the custody of the Serjeant at
,charge.
Arms attending this House," stand part of the question, the
House divided :
On the zd of March, Captain Phipps begged leave to present
Tellers.
Tellers.
.a petition from Mr. Woodfall, praying- to be released from his
Sir Ed. Astley
5
Lis
Lisburne *
Lord b
/
.confinement.
YEAS Mr. Phipps 5
68.
152.— N °" Mr. C. J . Fox
Mr. Fox said, he should not oppose the petition being pre-
Mr. Woodfall was accordingly taken into the custody of the
sented, but he thought the noble lord (North) who had shone
Serjeant at Arms; and the Reverend John Home was ordered to
so amazingly in this business, and who was so great a lover
attend the House on the 16th. After some demurs relative to
of the liberty of the press, ought to have been present, and
the summons, Mr. Horne was brought before the House. He
likewise the original mover of the business. He said, it was
extricated himself from the accusation with great dexterity :
having attempted to remove the imputation of contumacy, he
pitiful in them to depute another person to declare their will:
desired to know whether what Mr. Woodfall had said at the bar
it seemed as if they were ashamed of their proceedings, which
was the only evidence and charge against him ? The Speaker
the noble lord had no occasion to be; for no one could yet
said it was the charge. Mr. Horne then said, it was very droll,
tell, by his declarations, which side he meant to espouse.
for he had a charge against him. He concluded with saying, that
The noble lord, on the first day of the business, had declared,
he should plead there, as in every other court of justice, Not
that should the prisoner petition at ever so early a period, be
guilty. The House was embarrassed. Mr. Woodfall was again
would not be against it ; yet, after a week's confinement, he
called in, and confronted with Mr. Horne; but as he was im-
did petition, and the noble lord went from his word, not out
plicated in the guilt of the publication, his testimony was not
deemed admissible, and three of his journeymen were ordered to
of any regard for the privileges of the House, but merely to
attend. They attended accordingly, on the 18th, and were exa-
please an individual.
mined, but their evidence not going to fix the Libel upon Mr.
The petition was then presented, and on the motion of
Horne, Mr. Herbert apologized for the trouble he had given the
Captain Phipps, Mr. Woodfall was brought to the bar and
House, and added, that as the evidence had not proved Mr.
Horne the author
discharged..
of the Libel, to evince his impartiality, he.
should move, That he be discharged out of the custody of the
Serjeant at Arms.
Mr. Fox, though he was not against the discharge of the
prisoner, hoped the failure of evidence would be a caution to
the House in their future'proceedings; and particularly that
MR. FOX'S COMPLAINT or A LIBEL ON THE REVOLUTION
OF 1688.
A few days after this debate, namely, on the 28th of February, while
II
Feb •ztary 1 6. 1774.
Mr. Fox was actually engaged in conversation with Lord North on indif-
ferent subjects, in the House of Commons, the following laconic card
Mr. Fox rose and said :
of dismission from the Board of Treasury was delivered to him by one
MR. SPEAKER;
ER; the part I have hitherto taken in the
of the door-keepers :
" His Majesty has thought proper to order a new Commission of Trea-
-L. matter of libels that has recently occupied the attention
sury to be made out, in which I do not see your name.
NoLTH."
of this House, calls upon me at present to take notice of a
fresh libel of a nature, if possible, still more mischievous and
c4
24
MR. FOX'S COMPLAINT OF A LIBEL
[Feb. 16.
ON THE REVOLUTION OF 1688.
25
17741
detestable; than that for which you have already punished one
calumnies ; one of the vilest libels on the constitution of this
printer. Sir, the paper I allude to is one that I have in my
country, that ever was published. It is not an abuse of this
hand; it is a letter in the Public Advertiser, and also in the
person or of that person, but of the constitution of this king-
Morning Chronicle, of this morning, signed " A South Bri-
dom: it is a libel upon the glorious Revolution in 1688, and
ton
Sir, I esteem it one of the highest and most atrocious
terms it expressly a rebellion against King .Tames. Sir, I
am so much an enemy to all libels — to all licentiousness of
the press — though a friend to the legal liberty of it — that I
The following is a copy of the said letter :
" Sir ; the following curses are by God denounced in holy writ : cursed
am induced to bring libels of all denominations on the car-
is he that curses father or mother ; cursed is he that removeth his neigh-
pet. I am expressly for putting a stop, and an effectual one,
bour's landmark ; cursed are the unmerciful, covetous persons, and extor-
to so scandalous a practice. And this which I hold in my
tioners. Now, as to the first, surely that man must lie under that curse,
band is of such an abominable nature, that I am confident
who by force drives his father from his possession, and hires people
there is not a gentleman in the House who will disagree with
with his father's money to murder him. As to the second curse, if it is
a damnable sin to remove a neighbour's land-mark to defraud him of
me on this occasion. I think, Sir, the motion with which I
a
bit of ground, how great, how tremendously great must that man's curse
shall conclude will occasion no debate. I am sure it will be
be, who, although he lets the land-mark stand, yet by force defrauds
a dishonour to the House, if there should be a debate upon
him of his whole ground and property ! And that man who is guilty
it. The glorious Revolution was the rent of the liberties —
of the above must certainly be an unmerciful, covetous, extortionable
man. This day 84 years, just at the very time the curses of God were
of the happiness of Britain. It was an cent which demands
by his lawful ministers pronouncing in almost every church in England,
every tribute of honour and applause that the heart of man
Scotland, and Ireland, an herald was proclaiming two undutiful children
can give;
• • and ill does he deserve a seat in this House, who
King and Queen of England, &c. But peace to their manes : they, in a
short
can tamely sit and see the most infamous libels, the most
time afterwards,. were obliged to appear where rebellion, perjury,
fraud, cunning, arid deceit would stand in no good stead. Bet let us see
licentious scurrility, daily exercised upon the event, to which,
and consider the advantages the subjects gained by that glorious day's work :
of all others, this country is the most indebted. I therefore
before that period the subjects were not encumbered with so much as one
request, as a foundation for a motion, that the papers may be
penny national debt ; and the whole of all their taxes united together
read. [The Public Advertiser and Morning Chronicle were
scarcely amounted to threepence in the pound. Now take all our taxes
of every sort united, they amount to about zss. in the pound, three parts
accordingly delivered in, and the letter read.] Now, Sir, I
of our whole property (the undoubted cause of provisions being dear), and
move, " That the said Letter is a fidse, scandalous, and trai-
as the King goes on, the remaining fourth must soon follow ; and suppose
torous Libel upon the Constitution of this Country, and tend-
the national debt to be 1 4o millions, which funded and unfunded I believe
will amount to that sum, then for every single day since the Revolution we
ing to alienate the Affections of Iris Majesty's subjects from
have been blessed with an accumulating debt, amounting to upwards of'
his Majesty and his Royal Family."
45 6 51. 19s. 8-:}d. per day ; a blessing on us and our posterity for ever, so
sure as the Revolution was a blessing, if otherwise a curse and burthen on
The motion was not objected to, but Mr. Thomas Townsend
us and our latest posterity ; and all the aforesaid millions were expended
regretted that this poor, despicable South Briton should be pu-
to make the poor and distressed states of Holland become rich, high, and
nished, after so many more pernicious libellers were permitted to
mighty, the poor electorate of Hanover rich and wealthy, and the subjects
of Great Britain and Ireland in poverty, distress, and slavery ; and since
walk at large. From the conviction and punishment of Dr. Sheb-
the aforesaid period our governors have coaxed us to part with the major
beare to the present moment, no papers of this sort had been
part of our money they did not take be force, and in the room thereof to
taken notice of: the revilers of the revolution, and the principles
give us bits of paper ; so that the major part of °tn• remaining, wealth is
of the revolution, had been applauded, revered, and even pen-
now in their hands ; by which means they keep up the following standing .
sioned : Drs. Shebbcare and Johnson had been pensioned, while
armies to keep the subject in awe, poverty, distress, and slavery : a stand-
this wretched South Briton was to be prosecuted. Upon this,
ing army of great placemen, a standing army of excisemen, permit-men,
custom-house officers, with the other innumerable company of little place-
men, a standing army of devouring locusts, called pensioners, and a stand-
ing arm y of soldiers ; by ail which means our liberties are become barely
" If' we look into morality, our governors since that period, by their
nominal, and our paper property of every sort whenever the — pleases
wicked examples of bribery, corruption, dissipation, gaining, and every
ern be wiped out with a sponge.
species of wickedness that can be committed, have so debauched the morals
" If we consider religion,- the church of England flourished before that
of the people, that morality is in the same deplorable condition of liberty,
period ; but since that time popery and fanaticism have encrcased, espe-
property, and religion, viz. almost vanished from these once happy isles !
cially of late years, to such a degree, that, without the spirit of prophecy,
On the whole, if a tree is to be known by its fruits, who dare say the rebel-
we may foretel that in a few years the church of England will be dxtinct,
lion against King James was not a glorious revolution ?
unless God in his great mercy preserves us.
" I am,
. A Solfrii BRITON."'
BOSTON PORT BILL.
[March 23.
x774.] REPEAL OF THE AMERICAN TEA DUTY BILL.
2 7
Mr. Fox said : Sir, I cannot subscribe to the propriety of
Mr. Fox said, he should give it his negative, as it was
coupling Dr. Johnson and Dr. Shebbeare together. I should
trusting the crown wi th that power which parliament were
be very much against persecuting a man of great literary
afraid to trust themselves with : and if he did not succeed in
abilities, for any opinions which he might happen to drop in
his negative to this clause, lie should object to the one follow-
works not professedly political. I know not the 'passages
ing, which seemed to militate against the measure adopted
which the right honourable gentleman alludes to, but I must
in this ; as a restraint was there laid upon the crown until
make an eternal distinction between the Cases which he re-
the East India Company were indemnified for the loss they
presents as the same. The peculiar opinions of men of great
had sustained. This bill, he said, was calculated for three
literary abilities, who have accidentally dropped them, are not
purposes ; the first fbr securing the trade, the second for pu-
what I think ought to meet with persecution. To- do so
nishin g the Bostonians, and the third for satisfaction to the
would be to injure the cause of literature, which is ever best
East India Company. He said, the first clause did not give
encouraged under a free government.
a true and exact distinction by what means, and at what pe-
riod, the crown was to exercise the power vested in it; he
The motion was carried. After which it was ordered, on the
thought Unit application fbr relief should come to parliament
motion of Mr. Fox, " That Mr. Attorney-General do forthwith
prosecute the
only, and that the power of affording such relief should not
author, printers, and publishers of the said
scandalous, and traitorous libel." *
be lodged in the crown. The quarrel was with Parliament,
and Parliament was the proper power to end it ; not, said he,
ironically, that there is any reason to distrust His Majesty's
ministers, that they will not restore the port when it shall be
proper ; but I want to hear the reason why this clause should
be so left in the judgment of the crown, and the next clause
should be so particularly ;ranted, with such a guard upon His
BOSTON PORT BILL.
Majesty, to prevent him from restoring the port until the East
India Company should be fully satisfied.
March 23.
The clauses objected to passed without any division.
ON the 14th of March, Lord North moved, " That Leave-be'
given to bring in a Bill for the immediate Removal of the
Officers concerned in the Collection and Management of His Ma-
jesty's Duties and Customs from the Town of Boston, in the Pro-
vince of Massachuset's Bay, in North America ; and to discontinue
the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of Goods, Wares,
and Merchandize at the said Town of Boston, or within the Harbour
REPEAL OF THE AMERICAN TEA DUTY BILL.
thereof." Many debates took place during the progress of the bill.
On the 23d the House went into a committee. On the question
Apra 19.
upon the clause, which vests in the crown the power to restore the
port,
ENTERAL members who had voted for the bill to shut up the
ii port of Boston, were nevertheless of opinion, that something
of a conciliatory nature should attend this measure of severity ;
The trial of Mr. William Woodfall for printing the said libel in the
that parliament, whilst it resented the outrages of the American
Morning Chronicle came on in the Court of King's Bench upon the xrth
populace, ought not to irritate the sober part of the colonies ; that
of July tb]lowing, before Lord Mansfield and a special jury. The trial
if they had satisfaction in the matter of taxes, they would become
lasted about an hour, when the jury went out, and after staying five hours,
instrumental in keeping the inferior and more turbulent in order ;
brought in their verdict, guilty. Immediately after came on the trial of
and that this sacrifice to peace•would be made at no considerable
Mr. S. Woodfall fbr printing the said letter in the Public Advertiser,
expence. On the t 9th of April, therefore, Mr. Rose Fuller
-which lasted half an hour, when the jury went out, returned in half an
moved, " That this House will, on this day sevennight, resolve
hour, and brought in their verdict, guilty. They were afterwards sentenced
to pay each a fine of zoo marks, and suffer three months' imprisonment in
itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consider-
'`-te King's Bench.
ation the Duty of 3 d. per pound weight upon Tea, payable in all.
His Majesty's Dominions in America, imposed by an Act made in
BILL FOR THE BETTER REGULATING [Aprir 22.
1.774.] THE GOVERNMENT OP MASSACHUSET'S BAY.
29
the 7th Year of His present. Majesty,.intituled, An act for grant-
of the bill, upon the 22d of April, Mr. Rigby declared, that Great
ing certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in Ame-
Britain had a right to tax America ; that he was not for putting
rica, for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs upon the
on any new tax at that particular crisis ; but when things were
exportation from this kingdom of coffee and cocoa nuts, of the
returned to a peaceable state, he would then begin to exercise
produce of the said colonies or plantations, for discontinuing the
the right. He added, that we had a right to tax Ireland, if there
drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to America ;
was a necessity so to do, in order to help the mother country. In
And for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of
reply to this speech,
goods in the said colonies and plantations.'" Upon this occasion
it was, that Mr. Burke made his celebrated speech on American
Mr. Fox said :
taxation. In the course of the debate,
Sir, I am glad to hear from the right honourable gentle-
Mr. Fox said : Let us consider, Sir, what is the state of
man who spoke last, that now is not the time to tax America :
America with regard to this country ; the Americans will be-
that the only time for doing that is, when all these disturb-
come useful subjects, if you . use them with that temper and
ances are quelled, and the people are returned to their duty;
lenity which you ought to do. When
so, I find, that taxes are to be the reward of obedience; and
the stamp act was re-
pealed, murmurs ceased, and quiet succeeded. Taxes have
the Americans, who are considered to have been in open re-
produced a contrary behaviour ; quiet has been succeeded by
bellion, are to be rewarded by acquiescing to their measures.
riots and disturbances. Here is an absolute dereliction of the
When will be the time that America ought to have heavy
authority of this country. It has been said, that America
taxes laid upon her? The right honourable gentleman tells
is
not represented in this House, but the Americans are full as
you, that that time is when the Americans are returned to
virtually taxed; as virtually represented. A tax can only be
peace and quietness. The right honourable gentleman tells
laid for three purposes ; the first for a commercial regulation,
us also, that we have a right to tax Ireland ; however I may
the-second for a. revenue, and the third for asserting your
agree with him in regard to the principle, sure I am that it
right. As to the two first, it has clearly been denied that it
would not be policy to exercise it. I believe we have no more
is for either ; as to the latter, it is only clone with a view to
right to tax the one than the other. I believe America is
irritate and declare war against •
wrong in resisting against this country, with regard to its
the Americans, Which, if you
persist in, I am clearly of opinion you will effect, or force them
legislative authority. It was an old opinion, and I believe a
into open. rebellion.
very true one, that there was a dispensing power in the crown,
but whenever that dispensing power was pretended to be
The House divided : Yeas 4.9 : Noes 182. So the motion was
exercised, it was always rejected and opposed to the utmost,
negatived.
because it operated on me, as a subject, to the detriment of
my property and liberty ; but, Sir, there has been a constant.
line of conduct practised in this country towards America,
consisting of violence and weakness. I wish such measures
to be discontinued; nor can I think that the stamp act would.
have been submitted to without resistance, if the administra-
BILL FOR THE BETTER REGULATING THE GOVERNMENT or
tion had not been changed. The bill before you is not what
MASSACHUSET'S BAY.
you want; it will irritate the Minds of the people, but does
April
not correct the deficiencies of the government of Massachu-
22.
set's Bay.
NORTLY after the passing of the Boston port act, a bill wag
Li brought in " for the better regulating the Government. of
The bill was then committed.
.Massachuset's Bay." The purpose of this bill was to alter the
May
constitution of that province as it stood upon the charter of King
2.
William ; to take the whole, executive. power out of the hands of
On the order of the day for the third reading of the bill,
the democratic part, and to vest the nomination of counsellors,
judges, and magistrates of .all kinds, including the sheriffs, in the
Mr. Fox said :
crown, and in some cases in the King's governor, and all to be
I take this to be the question, Whether America is to be
removeable at the pleasure of the crown. On the' second reading
governed by force, or management ? I never could conceive
30
RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
[Jan. 23.
RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
1775.3
that the Americans ought to be taxed without their consent.
ham Meredith moved, that it should be referred to a Committee
Just as the House of Commons stands to the House of Lords,
on the 2 7th, the day succeeding that on which the Committee was
with regard to taxation and legislation, so stands America
to take the American papers into consideration. The conduct of
with Great Britain. There is not an American, but who
ministers was severely arraigned, and much ridicule was thrown
on the proposed Committee, which Mr. Burke called a Coventry
must reject and resist the principle and right of our taxing
Committee, and a Committee of Oblivion.
them. The question, then, is shortly this, Whether we ought
to govern America on these principles ? Can this country
Mr. Fox repeatedly called on Lord North to know, who
gain strength by keeping up such a dispute as this ? Tell
was the man that advised the late acts against the Americans ;
me when America is to be taxed, so as to relieve the burthens
for he it was who had created the disturbances, he it was who
of this country. I look upon this measure to be in effect
had placed General Gage and his troops in the ridiculous
taking away their charter : if their charter is to be taken
situation in which they at present were, and he it was who
away, for God's sake let it be taken away by law, and not
ought to answer to his country for the mischievous conse-
by legislative coercion : but I cannot conceive that any law
quences that might ensue. He attacked the minister violently;
whatever, while their charter continues, will make them think
pointed out his delays before Christmas, and his speed after.
that you have a right to tax them. If a system of force is to
He said that the Committee now proposed was no more than
be established, there is no provision for that in this bill ; it
a mere farce to delude the merchants, as he was certain that
does not go far enough ; if' it is to induce them by fair means,
nothing serious was intended.
it (Toes too fin. The only method by which the Americans
will ever think they are attached to this country, will be by
The House divided : For the Amendment 1 97: Against it St.
our laying aside the right of taxing. I consider this bill as
a bill of pains and penalties, for it begins with a crime, and
January 27.
ends. with a punishment; and I wish gentlemen would con-
sider, whether it is more proper to govern by military force, or
The merchants of London, displeased with this reference, pre-
by management.
sented a second petition, lamenting the late decision, by which their
former petition was referred to a separate Committee, and by which
The House divided on the third reading of the bill : Yeas 23 9 :
they were absolutely precluded from such a hearing in its support,
Noes 64.
as could alone procure them that relief which the present de-
plorable state of their trade required. Mr. Alderman Hayley
moved, " That the order for referring the petition to a separate
Committee should be discharged, and that it should be referred
to the Committee of the whole House appointed to consider the
papers relating to the disturbances in North America." The
motion was opposed by Mr. Hans Stanley and Mr. Jenkinson,
PETITIONS FOR RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
and supported by the gentlemen in the minority. The necessity
of hearing the petitioners was warmly pleaded by Mr. Burke. He
January 23. 1775.
lamented the national calamities about to befal this devoted coun-
try. Besides the horrors of a civil war ; besides the slaughtered
BOUT this time
innocents who were to be victimated to the counsels of a ministry
A
numerous petitions were presented from the
great mercantile cities and towns, praying Parliament to
precipitate to dye the rivers of America with the blood of her
desist from those proceedings which had occasioned the American
inhabitants ; besides these disasters, an impoverished revenue,
association so prejudicial to commerce. On the first petition
famished millions, the stagnation of manufactures, the total over-
from the merchants of London, a strenuous debate arose. Mr.
throw of commerce, the. encrease of the poor's rate, the accumu-
Ze
Alderman Hayley, who presented it, moved that it should be
lation of taxes, innumerable bankruptcies, and other shocks which
referred to the committee who were appointed to take into con-
might make the fabric of public credit totter to its basis — these
sideration the papers relating to the disturbances in North
were all depicted in the strongest colours by Mr. Burke. He
America. This seemed to be so natural, and so much a matter
professedly reserved himself, however, for that day when, if pro-
of course, as scarcely to admit of a controversy. Ministers, how
perly supported by the people, he vowed by all that was dear to
ever, opposed the motion. A separate committee for the con-
h im here and hereafter, he would pursue to condign punishment
sideration of the Merchants' Petition was proposed, and Sir Wil-
32
RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
[Jan. 27,
075.] .ADDRESS ON THE DISTURBANCES IN A:INIERICA.
33
the advisers of measures fraught with every destructive conse-
Mr. Fox, in reply to Lord North, said : That my private
quence to the constitution, the commerce, the rights and liberties
resentments have not influenced my public conduct, will be
of this country.
readily believed, when I assert that I might long since have
justly charged the noble lord, with the most unexampled
Mr. Fox spoke on the same side. He arraigned, in the
treachery and falsehood. — Here Mr. Pox was called to or-
severest terms, the acts of the last parliament, as framed on
der, and the House grew clamorous. He sat down twice or
false information, conceived in weakness and ignorance, and
hrice, and on rising each time, repeated the same words;
t
executed with negligence. We were promised that, on the
but at length, assuring the House he would abstain from
very appearance of troops, all was to be tranquillity at
every thing personal, he was permitted to proceed. He then
Boston; yet so far from subduing the spirit of that people,
repeated his former charges of negligence, incapacity, and
these troops were, by the neglect of those who sent them, re-
inconsistency; and added, that though he at one time ap-
duced to the most shameful situation, and dishonourably
proved of part of the noble lord's conduct, lie never approved
intrenched within the lines of eircum yallation, which a ne-
of the whole. He charged all the i •esent disputes with
cessary precaution for their own safety obliged them to farm.
America, to his negligence and incapacity, and instanced his
He said, that the contrary effect of what the minister had
inconsistency in the case of the Middlesex election. It was
promised, was foretold; but that the minister, fbrsooth, in
true, he said, the noble lord had often conissed his incapa-
his usual negligence, avowed, that when he was pursuing a
city, and from a consciousness of it, pretended a willingness
-measure of the last degree of importance, though it were
to resign ; but the event had proved that whatever his con-
treasonable in him, (the strength of the words he afterwards
sciousness might have been, his love of the emoluments of
disavowed) yet he thought it would be blameable in him so
office had completely conquered it.
much as to enquire what the effects were to be of his mea-
sures. He believed it was the first time any minister dared
The House divided on the motion for the discharge of the ,or-
to avow that he thought it his duty not to enquire into the
der : Yeas 89 : Noes 25o.
effects of his measures; but it was suitable to the whole of
the noble lord's conduct, who had no system or plan of con-
duct, no knowledge of business. He had often declared his
unfitness for his station, and he agreed that his conduct
justified his declaration; and that the country was incensed,
and on the point of being involved in a civil war by his
ADDRESS TO THE KING UPON THE DISTURBANCES IN NORTH
in-
capacity. He pledged himself to join Mr. Burke, in pursuing
AMERICA.
the noble lord, and bringing him to answer for the mischiefs
occasioned by his negligence, his inconsistency, and his in-
Februzy 2.
capacity : he said not this from resentment, but from a con-
viction of the destructive proceedings of a bad minister.
THE House being in the Committee appointed to take into consi-
deration the papers relating to the Disturbances in North Arne..
rica, Lord North moved, " That an humble Address be presented to
Lord North in the course of his speech observed, that Mr.
His Majesty, to return His Majesty our most humble thanks, for
Burke and Mr. Fox constantly made a point, not only of attack-
having been graciously pleased to communicate to this House, the
ing, but even of threatening him. As to general charges, he
several papers relating to the present state of the British colonies
could only answer them in general terms ; and when that black,
in America, which, by His Majesty's commands, have been laid
bitter, trying day should come, which had been prophecied by
before this House, and from which, after taking them into our
one of those gentlemen, and lie should bring any particular charge
most serious consideration, we find, that . a part of His Majesty's
against him, he trusted he should be able to give it a particular
subjects in the province of the Massachuset's Bay have proceeded
answer. As to the other gentleman, who found so many causes
so far to resist the authority of the supreme legislature, that a
of censure, and who disclaimed all resentment, he was sure,
rebellion at this time actually exists within the said province ; and
though the honourable gentleman now discovered in him so much
we see with the' utmost concern, that they have been counte-
incapacity and negligence, there was a time, when he approved of,
nanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations 'and engage..
at least, some part of his conduct.
meats, entered into by His Majesty's subjects, in several of the
other colonies, to the injury and oppression of 11:1Py of their
VOL.
34
ADDRESS ON THE DISTURBANCES IN AMERICA. [Feb. 2.
AUGMENTATION OF THE FORCES.
1775.]
3 5
innocent fellow subjects resident within the kingdom of Great
The Committee divided upon Mr. Fox's amendment : Ayes 105 :
Britain and the rest of His Majesty's dominions ; this conduct on
Noes 304.
their part appears to us the more inexcusable, when we consider
with how much temper His Majesty and the two Houses of Parlia-
ment -have acted, in support of the laws and constitution of
Great Britain ; to declare that we can never so far desert the
trust reposed in us, as to relinquish any part of the sovereign
authority over all His Majesty's dominions, which by law is vested
AUGMENTATION OF THE FORCES.
in his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament ; and that the
conduct of many persons, in several of the colonies, during the
February 13.
late disturbances, is alone sufficient to convince us how necessary
this power is, for the protection of the lives and fortunes of all
(I N the loth of February, a Message was presented from His
His Majesty's subjects ; that we ever have been, and always shall
%-j Majesty, stating that "His Majesty being determined, in con-
.be, ready to pay attention and regard to any real grievances of
quence of the _Address of both Houses of Parliament, to take the
any of His Majesty's subjects, which shall in a dutiful and consti-
most speedy and effectual measures for supporting the just Rights
tutional manner be laid before us ; and whenever any of the colonies
of his Crown, and the two houses of Parliament, thinks proper to
shall make a proper application to us, we shall he ready to afford
acquaint this House, that some addition to his Forces by sea and
them every just and reasonable indulgence ; but that, at the same
land will be necessary for that purpose : and His Majesty doubts
time, we consider it as our indispensable duty, humbly to beseech
not but he shall have the concurrence and support of this House
His Majesty, that His Majesty will take the most effectual mea-
(on whose zeal and affection he entirely relies), in making such
sures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the
augmentation to his Forces as the present occasion shall be
supreme legislature ; and that we beg leave, in the most solemn
thought to require." In consequence of this Message, Mr. Buller
manner, to assure His Majesty, that it is our fixed resolution, at
moved, on the 13th, " That an additional number of zoco men
the hazard of our lives and properties, to stand by His Majesty,
be allowed for sea service for the year 1775." In the course of
against all rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights
the debate arising out of this motion,
of His Majesty and the two Houses of parliament." This motion
occasioned a spirited debate. It was supported by the Attorney
Mr. Fox contended strongly, that taking the affairs of
and Solicitor General, and opposed by Mr. Dunning, Mr. Gren-
America on the very footing upon which ministers had thrown
ville, Mr. Cruger, Captain Luttrell, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Fox.
ilt
them, their conduct betrayed nothing but incapacity; that
the gentlemen on the treasury-bench were repeatedly telling
Mr. Fox, who upon this occasion is stated to have spoken
the House of the rebellion of the Americans, and how strongly
better than usual, entered fully into the question. He
they were persuaded that they meant to throw off all de-
pointed out the injustice, the inexpediency, and folly of the
pendance on this . country. How then, said he, arc we to
motion ; prophesied defeat on one side the water, and ruin
account for that slothful, dilatory conduct of administration,
and punishment on the other. He moved an amendment to
in sitting quiet for so many months, and seeming in their
omit all the motion, but the three or four first lines, and to
management to have no idea that force could ever be used or
substitute the following words : " But deploring that the in-
would ever be necessary? If administration were really per-
formation which the papers have afforded, serves onl y to
3
suaded of the views and intentions of the Americans, if re-
convince this House that the measures taken by His Ma-
bellion was written among them in such legible characters,
jesty's servants tend rather to widen than to heal the unhappy
Why did they not take the earliest opportunity of preventing
differences, which have so long subsisted between Great
those intentions and of stiffing that rebellion ? Had they
Britain and America, and praying a speedy alteration of the
conducted themselves upon the principles of common sense
same."
they certainly would have been earlier in their intelligence to
4 Mr. Gibbon, in a letter to Mr. Holroyd, dated February 8. 1775. says,
" I am not damned, according to your charitable wishes, because I have
nor myself could find room for a single word. The principal men both days
not acted; there was such an inundation of speeches, young speeches in
were Fox and Wedderhurne, on the opposite sides ; the latter displayed his
every sense of the word, both on Thursday in the Grand Committee, and
usual talents; the former, taking the vast compass of the question before
Monday on the Report to the House, that neither Lord Georgo Germain
us, discovered powers for regular debate, which neither his friends hoped,
nor his enemies dreaded." Miscellaneous Works, vol. f. p. 489.
n2
36 PROPOSITION FOR CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. [Feb. 20.
1775.] PROPOSITION FOR CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
3 7
Parliament, earlier in their application, and more vigorous
colony respectively." This proposition gave rise to a long debate;
in their measures. But this, he said, was under the suppo-
in the course of which,
sition that they knew the rectitude of their intentions, and
approved of their own conduct. He then deviated into a
Mr. Fox said :
personal attack on Lord North, but was uncommonly spirited
I congratulate my friends, and I congratulate the public,
throughout.
upon the motion which the noble lord has now produced.
He,who has been hitherto all violence and war, is now
treading back his steps to peace. I congratulate my friends
and the public on those measures which have produced this
saaixoreokamegc......awas.:-...,sst
effect. It is now seen what the effects are which a firm and
a spirited opposition will produce; it is the opposition which
has been made in this House, although ineffectual to oppose
LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITION FOR CONCILIATION WITH
the measures of ministers, whilst they were pleased to be
AMERICA.
violent, yet has had that effect, that they now find it their
interest and their safety to be otherwise. 'I he noble lord
February 2 0.
has receded from his proposition of violence—has begun (I
mean if he is sincere) to listen to reason ; and, if the same
/HILE the Bill for restraining the Commerce of the New
Vv
spirit of opposition continues to resist violence, and to sup-
England Colonies, and prohibiting their Fishery on the
Banks of Newfoundland, was yet depending, and while nothing but
port the liberties and rights of the colonies, he will grow
defiance Was hurled at America on the part of Government, Lord
every day more and more reasonable. He has quoted, as an
North, to the surprize of Opposition and of many of the adherents
authority, the conduct of nations towards each other ; that,
of Ministers, brought forward his famous proposition for concili-
in the outset of their demands, they claim more than they
ating the differences with America. Adverting to the terms of the:'
arc willing to accept; the noble lord has clone the same,
recent Address to the King upon the Disturbances in North Ame-,
and, I dare say, will on a future day be as ready to recede
rica, he observed, although Parliament could never relinquish
from what he has now proposed, as he has now been humble
the right of taxation, yet if the Americans would propose means
enough to give up what he before so strenuously defended.
of contributing their share to the common defence, the exercise
I say this upon the supposition that the noble lord is sin-
of the right might without hesitation be suspended, and the pri-
vilege of raising their own portion of contribution conceded to the
cere; but I cannot believe it. Besides the opposition which
colonists. This being the sense, and, he believed, the very words
the noble lord found obstructing his way, he felt, that even
in which he moved the Add
Address, he pro
Resolution:,
proposed as a Resol :,
his friends and allies began to grow slack towards the vigour
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the Go-,..
of his measures; he was therefore forced to look out for
vernor, Council, and Assembly, .or General Court, of any of His
some propositions that might still induce them to go on
Majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make
with him, and that might, if possible, persuade the Americans
provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situa-
to trust their rights to his candour and justice. What he
tion, of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion
has now proposed to you, does accordingly carry two faces
to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the
authority of the General Court, or General Assembly, of such
on its very first appearance. To the Americans, and to
province or colony, and disposable by Parliament) and shall en-
those who are unwilling to proceed in the extremes of vio-
gage to make provision also for the support of the civil govern-
lence against them, he holds out negociation and recon-
ment, and the administration of justice, in such province or colony,
ciliation. To those who have engaged with him on condition
it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by His Ma-
that he will support the supremacy of this country unimpaired,
jesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such
the proposition holds out a persuasion that he never will relax
provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such
on that point : but, Sir, his friends see that he is relaxing,
province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to
and the Committee sees that they are all ready to withdraw
impose any farther duty, -tax, or assessment, except only such
from under his standard. No one in this country, who is
duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for
s
the regulation of commerce ; the nett produce of the duties last .
incerely for peace, will trust the speciousness of his ex-
.mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or,
p ressions, and the Americans will reject them with disdain,
D 3
BILL FOR RESTRAINING AMERICAN COMMERCE. [March 6.
1 BILL FOR RESTRAINING AMERICAN COMMERCE.
39
1775.J
The Committee divided : For the Resolution 2 74 : Against
steby which the authority of Parliament had been denied,
it 88.
ps
because it had been abused. At first, the Americans being
,:ed b y Parliament not chusing to leave them their old
.7.1n••••••n••n41.111i.767s..3•10.111.
Pre- sileffe 'whether that privilege was by law, custom, or mere
pri
indulgence, of taxing themselves internally, denied only our
right of internal taxation. However, it was soon proved to
BILL FOR. RESTRAINING THE COMMERCE OF THE NEW ENG.
by argument and practice, that an external tax could
LA ND COLONIES, AND PROHIBITING THEIR FISHERY ON
them, by to answer all the purposes, and to produce all the
THE BANKS OF NEWFOUNDLAND.
mischiefs, of internal taxation. They then denied the right
of taxing for supply. Parliament next proceeded violently
Mardi 6.
to deprive them of their charters, and to make other acts for
the regulation of their government; then they denied your
O N the loth of February, Lord North obtained leave to bring
power of internal legislation. But still in the midst of all,
in a Bill " to restrain the Trade and Commerce of the Pro-
their violence and all their provocation thereto, they had
vinces of Massachuset's Bay, and New Hampshire ; the Colonies
never hitherto formally rejected the power of Parliament to
of Connecticut and Mode Island, and Providence Plantation in
bind their trade. But the British legislature was now to con-
North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands
vince the Americans, that if but a single branch of legislative
in the West Indies ; and to prohibit such Provinces and Colonies
power were left to this country, we could make that single
from carrying on any Fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland,
power answer all the purposes of a power to tax. This bill,
or other Places therein to be mentioned, under certain Conditions,
and for a Time to be limited." The principal arguments in sup-
which was to restrain their commerce until they submitted,
port of the Bill were, that as the Americans had refused to trade
until they ceased to resist our taxing authority, and, indeed,
with this kingdom, it was just to prevent their commerce with
whatever else was thought fit to be imposed on them, would
other nations: whatever distress they might feel, their own con-
convince, he said, the Americans, that this power, thus used,
duct left them no right of complaint : they had begun the practice
might be made by far the most oppressive, and worse than
by an association calculated to ruin our merchants, impoverish
any of those they had hitherto denied. He was quite satis-
our manufacturers, and starve the West India Islands. The Op-
fied, that the bill was meant for nothing else but to exasperate
position urged the impolicy of destroying a trade which could
the colonies into open and direct rebellion. Hitherto rebel-
never be restored : God and Nature, they argued, had given the
Newfoundland Fishery to New, and not to Old England. The
lion was only asserted, and that ambiguously, of one colony.
penalties confounded the innocent with the guilty ; nor was
It would from this bill probably become apparent, and univer-
it
possible for Government to issue such a proclamation as would
sal in all; and thus give an opportunity for drawing the
afford security to all who were well-intentioned. The Bill was
sword, and g
throwin away the scabbard. He indeed ac-
calculated, they said, to irritate the Americans and starve four
quitted the ministry of a design of raising a rebellion for the
provinces; and the danger of the Americans withholding the
mere purpose of havoc and destruction; but said, that as by
debts due to British merchants was strongly urged. During
their injudicious measures they had brought the colonies into
the progress of the Bill, petitions were presented from the Ame-
a state of the greatest disobedience, disorder, and confusion,
rican merchants in London, from the merchants of Poole, from
without being at the same time within the legal description of
the Quakers, and from the merchants of Waterford. They.were
r
referred to a Committee, and many witnesses examined. On
ebellion, this was a state of things full of the greatest diffi-
the 6th of March, upon the motion that the Bill be engrossed,
culties, and in which it required the utmost nicety to conduct
government. But when things were brought to the length of.
Mr. Fox said, that the bill must ha ye..been calculated to
the course of proceeding, however desperate, was
put an end to all that remained of the legislative authority of
c
siumirn8
simple and obvious: and as by this act all means of ac-
Great Britain over America ; that it must be intended to
l a livelihood, or of receiving provisions were cut off,
chew to the colonies that there was no one branch of supreme
no other alternative was left, but starvation or rebellion.
authority, which Parliament might not abuse in such a man-
ner, as to render it reasonable to deny, and necessary to resist
The motion was supported by Lord Howe, the Solicitor-General
of Scotland (Mr. Henry Dundas), and Mr. Jenkinson ; and op-
it. To prove this he went through the history of the several
Posed by Mr. Fox, Mr. T. Townsl:end, and Mr. Burke. The
D 4
40 BILL FOR RESTRAINING AMERICAN COMMERCE. [March 6.
REMONSTRANCE FROM NEW YORK.
41
I775']
question being put, that the Bill, with the Amendments, be in-
all. Thus much I thought it right to say, that I might mark
grossed ; the House divided :
the spirit of your measures.
Tellers.
Tellers.
y EAs ( Lord Lisburne}
Mr. T. Tow nshen d 61
2 I 5. — NOES
On the motion; that the said clause be read a second time, the
' 'Mr. Dundas
Mr. Burke
S
House divided :
So it was resolved in the affirmative.
Tellers.
Tellers.
On the 8th of May, the bill being read a third time, Mr. Hartley
Lord Stanley }
YEAS I Mr. Hartley } 58. — NOES {
Igo.
moved, that the following clause be added by way of ryder :
Mr. Byng
Mr. Cooper
" That nothing in the act shall extend to prohibit the importation
So it passed in the negative. The Bill was then passed. Before
into any or either of the said provinces, of any fuel, meal, corn,
the House was adjourned,
flour, or victual, which shall be brought coastwise from any part
of the continent of America." This motion brought before the
Mr. Fox took occasion to say, that the noble lord (North)
House, in aggravated colours, the question of involving in one
from the beginning had taken care to lead the House blind-
common famine the friend and the foe of government ; the resist-
fold ; and would, he was certain, continue to do so, till he
ing adult, the feeble infant, the pregnant female, and the decrepid
elder. The clause was opposed by Lord North, Lord Clare,
found some personal convenience in acting otherwise. He
Governor Pownall, and Mr. Henry Dundas. Mr. Burke observed,
pronounced confidently, that the bill just passed could not
that the bill not only had taken from these people the means of
succeed; and desired the noble lord to recollect his words,
subsisting themselves by their own labour, but, rejecting the clause
and at the same time not to come to Parliament, and tell them,
now proposed, took from them the means of being subsisted by
though the measure miscarried, it was their measure, for, if
the charity of their friends. " You had reduced the people to
they had not framed, they had, after the fullest deliberation,
beggary," said he, " and now you take the beggar's scrip from
approved of it. The fact was the very reverse, as the noble
them. You even dash front the mouth of hunger the morsel which
lord had been both the framer and approver ; for by the arts
the hand of charity would stretch out to it."
of misinformation on one hand, and the want of any material
information on the other, Parliament had been persuaded into
Mr. Fox said : I think, Sir, you have now, by refusing
this proposition, completed the system of your folly. You
an approbation of his measures.
had sonic friends yet left in New England. You yourselves
made a parade of the number you had there. But you have
not treated them like friends. Rather than not make the
ruin of that devoted country complete, your friends are to be
involved in one common famine ! how must they feel, what
must they think, when the people against whom they have
MR. BURKE'S MOTION FOR BRINGING UP A REPRESENTATION
stood out in support of your measures, say to them, " You
AND REMONSTRANCE FROM THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OE
see now what friends in England you have depended upon ;
NEW YORK.
they separated you from your real friends here, while they
hoped to ruin us by it ; but since they cannot destroy us
Mew 15.
without mixing you in the common carnage, your merits to
R. BURKE acquainted the House, that he had received a.
them will not now save you ; you are to be butchered and
paper of great importance from the General Assembly of the
starved indiscriminately with us ! What have you to look
province of New York ; a province which yielded to no part of
to for support but resistance? You are treated in common
His Majesty's dominions in its zeal for the prosperity and unity
with us as rebels, whether you rebel or not. Your loyalty has
of the empire, and which had ever contributed, as much as any,
ruined you. Rebellion alone — if resistance is rebellion —
in its proportion, to the defence and wealth of the whole. He
can save you from famine and ruin." When these things
observed, that it was a complaint, in the form of a Remonstrance,
of several Acts of Parliament, some of which, as they affirmed,
are said to them, what can they answer? What part have
had established principles, and others had made regulations, sub-
they to take? They must resist in common with those with
versive of the rights of English subjects. That he did not know
whom you have united them in ruin. I thought your mea-
whether the House would approve of every opinion contained in
sures were intended to divide the people. But when you
the paper ; but that as nothing could be more decent and respect-
mean to destroy, you unite all, because you wish to 'destroy
ful than the whole tenor and language of the Remonstrance, a
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
43
4 2REMONSTRANCE FROM NEW YORK.
[May I s.
1775•]
mere mistake in opinion, upon any one point, ought not to prevent
candid of this moderate province had framed with deliberation
their receiving it, and granting redress on such other matters a3
and caution, is rejected, is not suffered to be presented, no,
might be really grievous, and which were not necessarily eon.
not even to be read by the clerk. When they hear this,
nected with that erroneous opinion. He represented this direct
wil be inflamed, and hereafter be as distinguished by
application from America, and dutiful procedure of New York,
violence, as they have hitherto been by their moderation.
in the present critical juncture, as a most desirable and even for.
the only method they can take to regain the esteem and
tunate circumstance ; and strongly urged, that they never had
the
It
i is
before them so fair an opportunity of putting an end to the
of their brethren in the other colonies, who have
un-
tclitOee
happy disputes with the
been offended at their moderation. Those who refused to
colonies as at present ; and he conjured
them, in the most earnest manner, not to let it escape, as
send deputies to the congress, and trusted to Parliament, will
possibly
the like might never again return. He then moved, " That the
appear ridiculous in the eyes of all America ; it will be
Representation and Remonstrance of the General Assembly of the
proved, that those who distrusted and defied Parliament, had
Colony of New York be brought up." It was contended, in
made a right judgment ; and those who relied upon its mode-
opposition to the motion, that the honour of Parliament required
ration and clemency, had been mistaken and duped. The
that no paper should be received by that House, which tended to
consequence of this must be, that every friend the ministers
call in question its unlimited authority ; that they had already
have in America, must either abandon them, or lose all
relaxed in very essential points, but they could not hear any thing
credit and every means of serving them in future.—The
which tended to call in question their right of taxation ; that the
Declaratory Act must be repealed, before such a paper was
noble lord acknowledges the Quebec duties are not laid
ad-
mitted to be brought up ; that the House never received even
exactly as they ought . to be. This matter is not introduced
petitions of that nature ; but that here the name of a petition was
into the Remonstrance on account of its being a grievance ;
studiously avoided, lest any thing like an obedience to Parliament
but to chew how extremely ignorant the present ministers are
should be acknowledged. Lord North accordingly moved an
of the proper mode of American taxation. What is there to
amendment, which was an indirect though effectual negative upon
hinder the people of New York from trading with the interior
the motion, by inserting after the word " Remonstrance" the
country as before ? Every thing is just the same ; there are
words " in which the said Assembly claim to themselves rights
no troops to hinder their passing and repassing as usual. Is
derogatory to, and inconsistent with, the legislative authority of
there so much as an officer to receive that duty which is
Parliament, as declared by the said act." The amendment was
supported by Mr. Cornwall and Mr. Jenkinson, and
directed to he paid ? It is mentioned, to convince you of
strongly
opposed by Mr. Cruger, Mr. Aubrey, Mr. Fox, and Governor
your ignorance in taxing America. You make an act of
J ohnstone.
parliament to raise a revenue in that country, and you not
only make a capital blunder in it, but stumble at the threshold
Mr. Fox said, the right of Parliament to tax America was
of collecting it.
not simply denied in the Remonstrance, but only as coupled
with the exercise of it. The exercise was the thing com-
The House divided on Lord North's Amendment : Yeas 186 :
plained of, not the right itself When the Declaratory Act
Noes 67 . So it was resolved in the affirmative. After which the
was passed, asserting the right in the fullest extent, there were
motion for bringing up the Remonstrance was negatived.
no tumults in America, no opposition to government in any
part of that country : but when the right came to be exer-
cised in the manner we have seen, the whole country was
.IMIZIOAlaapar.S.z.m1.1/111.•••2,-7,5q,
alarmed, and there was an unanimous determination to oppose
it. The right simply is not regarded; it is the exercise of it
that is the object of opposition. It is this exercise that has •
AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS OF THANKS ON THE KING'S
irritated, and made almost desperate several of the colonies ;
SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
but the noble lord (North) chuses to be consistent ; he
determined to make them all mad alike. The only province
October 26.
that was moderate, and in which England had some friends,
he now treats with contempt. What will be the consequence,
AT the Opening of the Session on the 26th of October, an Ad-
when the people of this moderate province are informed of
dress of Thanks being proposed, and which, as, usual, was an
echo
this treatment?
of the Speech from the Throne, Lord John Cavendish moved
That Representation which the cool and
I
44
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[_Oct. 26.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
1775.]
45
an Amendment, by leaving out the whole, except the introductory
without power, and merely a nominal minister, he had done,
paragraph, and substituting the following : " That we behold with
as every man of spirit should do on such an occasion—he had
the utmost concern the disorders and discontents in the British
given up his place. He then applied this observation to the
colonies rather increased than diminished by the means which have
noble lord on the treasury-bench, and in a very pointed man-
been used to suppress and allay them ; a circumstance alone suffi-
ner intimated, that it was high time a change of men should
cient to give this I-louse just reason to fear, that those means were
take place, in order that a change of measures might accom-
not originally well considered, or properly adapted to answer the
pany it. He took occasion to mention the political distinction
ends to which they were directed.—We are satisfied, by expe-
rience, that this misfortune has, in a great measure, arisen from
of Whig and Tory, and, describing the present ministers as
the want of full and proper information being laid before Parlia-
enemies to freedom, declared they were Tories. He made a
ment of the true state and condition of the colonies, by reason of
comparison between the conduct of administration and the
which, measures have been carried into execution injudicious and
conduct of America, shewing the weakness, error, and impru-
inefficacious, from whence no salutary end was reasonably to be
dence of the former, and the firmness, spirit, and just pursuits
expected, tending to tarnish the lustre of the British arms, to bring
of the latter. He combated the argument in the King's
discredit on the wisdom of His Majesty's councils, and to nourish,
Speech, which inferred that America aimed at independency;
without hope of end, a most unhappy civil war.—Deeply impressed
and by a chain of reasoning, sheaved, that to be popular in
with a sense of this melancholy state of the public concerns, we
shall, on the fullest information we can obtain, and with the most
America it was necessary to talk of dependance on Great Bri-
mature deliberation we can employ, review the whole of the late
tain, and to hold that out as the object in pursuit. He rallied
proceedings, that we may be enabled to discover, as we shall be
Lord North on the rapid progress he had made in misfortune,
most willing to apply, the most effectual means for restoring order
having laid out nearly as large a sum to acquire national dis-
to the distracted affairs of the British empire, confidence to his
grace, as that most able minister Lord Chatham had expended
Majesty's government, obedience, by a prudent and temperate use
in gaining that glorious lustre with which he had encircled
of its powers, to the authority of Parliament, and satisfaction and
the British name. He did not approve of every thing that
happiness to all his people.—By these means, we trust, we shall
had been done by Lord Chatham, but all must confess his
avoid any occasion for having recourse to the alarming and dan-
gerous expedient of calling in foreign forces to the support of His
great and surprising talents as a minister. He declared oppo-
Majesty's authority within his own dominions, and the still more
sition to be cordially united in every part. He retorted on
dreadful calamity of shedding British blood by British hands."
administration for their having last year roused the younger
This Amendment brought on a series of long and interesting de-
part of the House by their appeals to the spirit of Englishmen
bates, which were conducted with the utmost eagerness and un-
to enforce vigorous measures, and asked whether that spirit
ceasing energy on both sides.
was discernible in the pitiful party of the military sent to Bos-
ton, or in the vigorous measures of that party; declaring, that
Mr. Fox described Lord North as the blundering pilot
if the spirit the ministry had appealed to was still in existence,
who had brought the nation into its present difficulties. Ad-
it would not be possible for them to keep their places. After
ministration, he said, exult at having brought us into this
severely rebuking them for endeavouring to' shift the blame
dilemma. They have reason to triumph. Lord Chatham,
from themselves to General Gage, he concluded with advising
the King of Prussia, nay, Alexander the Great, never gained
administration to place America where she stood in 1763,
more in one campaign than the noble lord has lost—he has
and to repeal every Act passed since that period, which
lost a whole continent. Although he thought the Americans
affected either her freedom or her commerce.
had gone too far, and were not justifiable in what they bad
done, yet they were more justifiable for resisting, than they
At four in the morning the House divided upon the Amendment.:
would have been had they submitted to the tyrannical acts of
Yeas ics : Noes 278. The original Address was then agreed to.
British parliament :—for, when the question was, whether
When the report was brought up on the following day, Mr. Corn-
a people was to submit to slavery, or to aim at freedom by a
wall took occasion to make some remarks on the conduct of the
spirited resistance, the alternative which must strike every
late Lord Holland, when secretary of state, at the beginning of
Englishman was, the choice of the latter. He took occasion
the late war, in allusion to what had been said by Mr. Fox on the
to speak of his father, and the fluctuation of ministers at the
preceding evening, and concluded by an attack on the Duke of
commencement of the last war. He said, that his father was
Grafton for his desertion. Upon this,
secretary of state only four months, when finding himself
4 6
RETURNS or THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA. [Nov. I.
BILL FOR EMBODYINtIr THE MILITIA.
47
177 5'3
Mr. Fox rose in order to vindicate his father, and defend
known. But, said he, they have taken care, to a degree of
the noble duke; but as he Quoted the speech the noble duke
affectation, to inform you that it is the rights not of the Crown
had made the night before in the House of Lords, he was
but of Parliament, for which they are fighting; and yet, with
called to order. He protested that he had been deceived by
an inconsistency worthy only of themselves, they will not
the minister; he had been taught to believe that Government
allow Parliament the least information to know how to fight
had so many friends in America, that the appearance of a few
for those rights which they say are peculiarly its own. This
regiments there would secure an obedience to our laws, and.
is the conduct, Sir, which has driven front them some of the
ensure peace; that upon this principle he voted for sending
most manly and respectable characters in the kingdom. They
over the forces last session : peace was his object in that mea-
were deceived ; they openly tell these men who call themselves
sure; but now that the minister declared himself for war, he
ministers, " You deceived us; you would not let us know the
could not but oppose his proceedings. He could not consent
state either of America, or of the force you had there to quell
to the bloody consequences of so silly a contest about so silly
the disturbances : acting thus in the dark, we were led into
an object, conducted in the silliest manner that history, or
error, but we will not persist in it; we know your intentional
observation, had ever furnished an instance of; and from
deceit, and we leave you." This, Sir, is also the case with
which we were likely to derive nothing, but poverty, disgrace,
parliament; and the only remedy is for Parliament to imitate
defeat, and ruin.
the conduct of those manly characters, by refusing to vote
away the money of their constituents for measures about which
they are absolutely in the dark.
The House divided ; Yeas 63: Noes i 7o.
RETURNS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA.
November I.
fl OLONEL Barre moved, " That there be laid before the
House an Account of the last Returns of the number of effec-
BILL FOR EMBODYING THE MILITIA.
tive men, in the several regiments and corps in His Majesty's ser-
vice., serving in North America, together with a state of the num-
November 2.
ber of sick and wounded ; distinguishing the several places where
the said troops are stationed." The secretary at war, Lord Bar-
T"
in his Speech to both Houses at the Opening of the
rington, said, he knew of no precedent of such a motion being
Session, informed them, " That he had sent to the garrisons
agreed to. To call during a war, for the returns of an army, had,
0 --
of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, a part of his Electoral troops, in
indeed, been attempted, but was always opposed, as a practice
order that a larger number of the established forces of this king-
which might prove exceedingly inconvenient. Mr. Thomas
dom might be applied to the maintenance of its authority ; and
Townshend contradicted the noble lord, and produced a precedent
the national Militia, planned and regulated with equal regard to
completely in point.
the rights, safety, and protection of his crown and people, might
give a farther extent-and activity to our military operations." In
Mr. Fox said :--It is evident from what has passed, that
consequence of this passage, a Bill for embodying the Militia was
the plea of acting contrary to precedent will not avail the noble
brought in. On the motion for the second reading, the Bill was
lord. What, therefore, is the true reason for the ministers
warmly opposed by Mr. Dunning, Mr. Thomas Townshend, Mr:
refusing to lay the information called fin• before the House?
Burke, and Mr. Fox.
Merely, I assert, to keep Parliament in ignorance. Was the
Mr. Fox declared he did not think so meanly of the under-
fair truth to be laid before the House, the demands of minis-
standings of the present ministry, as to suppose they would
ters would be found to be inconsistent with the facts they pro-
leave this country without an army of some kind. He ap-
duced. This was the case last session ; they have kept back
proved of a militia as a succeclaneum for an army, but by the
all information, and have imposed on the House in order to
present bill they were evidently to serve as a part of the army
get the cry of the people before the extent of the evil was
itself. He then entered into a definition of the original
14
AMERICAN PROHIBITORY BILL.
Noy.
[48
20.
AMERICAN PROHIBITORY BILL.
1775'1
49
meaning and intention of the English militia, and laid it down
j,, the said Acts respectively mentioned : and to enable His Ma-
as a doctrine, that formerly a militia-man was merely armed
iestv to appoint commissioners, and to issue proclamations in the
and disciplined, that he might, when danger was at his door
.'ose's and for the purposes therein to be mentioned."
and pressed upon him, defend himself. He said, that he
should certainly be against the introduction of foreign troops,
?Jr. Fox said, that this proposition was cutting off and de-
and was also against a standing army; that the purpose of the.
st roying all trade with America.. Even if the noble lord's
present bill was to create a standing army, and to increase
ether measures had not done it, this would effectually. Though
the power of the crown ; that he saw no difference between a
the House had not at present the manufacturers at their door,
standing army of regulars, and a standing army of militia,
he prophesied they would have them next year. The true inten-
whom the King could call out whenever he pleased ; for that
tion of this Bill was, to break up the manufacturers, who, through
in this country, and every other extensive dominion, there
went of subsistence, would be obliged to enlist, and thus the
would always, in some part or other, be a riot, which the mi-
noble lord thought he should be enabled to fill the ranks of that
nister might think proper to call a rebellion. There might
•
arinv which would not otherwise be recruited. As the noble
be a disturbance among the negroes in Jamaica, in Bengal,
lord had now proposed the repeal of three oppressive Acts, he
or in any other distant place, which might serve as a pretext
begged to ask him, as a man of honour and a gentleman,
for embodying the militia. That many gentlemen would fre-
whether he did not wish that lie had adopted the opinion of
quently be embarrassed who served in it, by being put upon
the noble duke (of Grafton) who was first lord of the trea-
disagreeable duty; and that at present; if he was a militia
sur y, when the repeal of the tea duty was moved in that
officer, he would resign. He concluded with declaring, that
house, and supported it? He repeated, that there were dif-
administration were taking advantage of the present situation
ferences of opinions amongst persons high in office at that
of affairs, to put the people under martial law ; that all the
time ; and he asked the noble lord whether he did not now
late American acts tended to increase the power of the crown,
wish he had been of opinion with those who were for repeal-
and to demolish the rights of the people ; and that as the pre-
ing that duty, because they saw, and therefore wished to avoid,
sent bill evidently would have that effect, he should oppose it.
that chain of misfortunes, which the continuance of it had
drawn after it ? This proposition of peace, he said, like that
On the motion for the second reading, the House divided : Yeas
of last year, was meant to lead on this country under a delu-
259: Noes 50.
sion of flattering hopes of peace; and to endeavour to deceive,
which it would not do, the Americans into a belief; that this
country wished for a peace of the description which the noble
•n••••••=s0MINIM
lord held out, or was unanimously determined to prosecute
the war, if such peace could not be effected. The whole was
insidious, and therefore could have no other effect upon the
AMERICAN PROHIBITORY BILL.
Americans than to. destroy their confidence in government, if
November
any such yet remained. If the Americans should believe the
2o.
spirit of this country was unanimous against their rights, they
LORD NORTH moved, " That leave be given to bring in a
had nothing to do but prepare immediately for war, as their
Bill, to prohibit all trade and intercourse with the colonies of
only defence against a system of despotism. This proposition,
New Hampshire, Massachuset's Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
therefore, was a declaration of perpetual war; and were he to
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on
give his vote for it, he should consider himself as giving his
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
vote for a declaration of war. However, as he had always
and Georgia, during the continuance of the present rebellion
said that he would support any measure of reconciliation, he
within the said colonies respectively ; for repealing an Act, made
in the t4th of his present Majesty, to discontinue the landing and
should go so far with the noble lord, as the repeal of the three
discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandize,
Acts he had mentioned. Therefore he should move the thl-
at the town and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of
lowing Amendment: To leave out from the word " Bill" to
Massachuset's Bay ; and also two Acts, made in the last session of
the words " for repealing," and from the words cs respectively.
parliament, for restraining the trade and eowtnerce of the colonies
mentioned," to the end of the question.
VOL. I.
"0
AMERICAN PROHIBITORY BILL.
[Dec.
1775,3 MOTION ON THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA.
51
This Amendment, which went to the omission of Lord North
proposition, except what related to the repeal of the Boston Po
mixed with the guilty in North America, but you punish and
the Fishery, and the restraining Acts, occasioned very warm dr.
islands of unoffending people, unconnected with,
bates and much animadversion, which continued till after midnight
andv esseparated
ted from them. Hitherto the Americans have se-
when the Amendment was rejected upon a division, by a niajori
p a r a t e d the right of taxation the m your legiy
eslative authority
of 192 to 64.
tceiiro t
have denied
former, th
have lac',
l
-
ltiilcte:l tiolei the latter. This Bill will make them deny the one as
December 8.
as lthe other. " What signifies," say they, " your giving
The order of the day being read for receiving the Report of
right of taxation, if you are to intbrce your legislative
American Prohibitory Bill, Lord North moved, that the Amend-
authority in the manner you do. This legislative authority
ments made in the Committee be agreed to. Upon this- occasion',
so inforced, will at any time coerce taxation, and take -from us
whatever you think fit to demand." The present is a Bill
Mr. Fox said :—I have always given it as mu opinion, th.
which should be entitled, a Bill for carrying more effectually
the war now carrying on against the Americans is unjust; ba
into execution the resolves of the Congress.
admitting it to be a Just' war, admitting that it is practicabl
I insist that the means made use of; are not such as will obta
The question being put on Lord North's motion, the House di-
the end. I shall confine myself singly to this ground, an
vided : Yeas 1 43 : Noes 38.
s
show that this Bill, like every other Incas-urn, proves the want
of policy, the folly and madness, of the present ministers. I was
in great hopes, that they had seen their error, and had given
over coercion; and the idea of carrying on war against Ame-
rica by means of acts of parliament. In order to induce the
Americans to submit to your legislature, you pass laws against
Mu. Fox's MOTION FOR AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPENCE OF
them, cruel and tyrannical in the extreme. If they complain
THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA.
of one law, your answer to their complaint, is to pass another
more rigorous than the former. But they are in rebellion,
November 22.
you say; if so, treat them as rebels arc wont to be treated.
Send out your fleets and armies against them, and subdue them;
R. FOX moved, 44 That there be laid before this House,
but let them have no reason to complain of your laws. Shew
an Account of the Expences of the staff; hospitals, ex-
them, that your laws are mild, just, and equitable, that they
traordinaries, and all military contingencies whatsoever, of the
therefore are in the-wrong, and deserve thepunishment they meet
army in America, from August !773 to October 1775, inclu-
with. The very contrary of this has been your wretched policy.
sive." He said, he had drawn up the motion ill these words,
I have ever understood it as a first principle, that in rebellion
because it would lay open an astonishing scene of ministerial
you
delusion held out by the pretended estimate laid before the
punish the individuals, but spare the country ; but in a
House a few days ago. It would bring the staff into the full
war against the enemy, it is your policy to spare the indivi-
duals, and lay waste the country. This last has been inva-
glare of day, -Which had been hitherto artfully held back ; it
riably your conduct against America. I suggested this to
would show, that the expellee of the ordnance this year had
you, when the Boston Port Bill passed. I advised you to
exceeded any one of the Duke of Marlborough's campaigns,
find out the offending persons, and to punish them ; but what
while in the midst of repeated victories, he was immortalizing
did you do instead of this ? You laid the whole town of Bos-
the British name; and it would convince the greatest court
i
ton under terrible contribution, punishing the innocent with
nfidels, of the temerity of the minister, who, to the very last
the guilty. You answer, that you could not come at the
day of the session, insisted and declared, that the military
s
guilty. This very answer, shows how unfit, how unable you
ervice, in every branch, and under every description, was
are,
amply provided for; that all his arrangements were made;
• to govern America. If you are forced to punish the in-
nocent to come at the guilty, your government there, is, and
and who thus durst, in the bare article of the ordnance alone,
ought to be at an end. But, by the bill now before us, you
incur a debt of upwards of 240,0007. He said it would be a
not only punish those innocent persons who are unfortunately
farce to sit any longer in that House, if accounts of this nature
were refused ; that the motion was parliamentary ; that it
F.2
3 2
MOTION ON THE ILL SUCCESS OF THE [Feb. 2
BRITISH ARMS IN NORTH AMERICA.
1776.3
53
would convey no secret to the enemy ; and within his own
, conspiracy against the liberties of their country. But what
knowledge or reading, he never heard of an instance where
right be the secret designs of a junto, or the venal alacrity
al
such information was denied, unless in cases where it was
-of °the despicable cyphers they employed to effect their trai-
impossible to comply with them; such as the accounts desired
torous purposes, was, he said, to be no part of the subject
not having been received, or officially made up. Aware o f
of enquiry that day. He did not mean to teazc or insult the
this, he would be perfectly satisfied with copies of those
House with idle surmises, with vague suspicions, leading to
already come to hand, or of gross computations made by esti-
deductions or speculative charges, conceived and
partial
mate, and wait with pleasure for the remainder, till the minis-
spun out of his own brain; but wished to draw their atten-
try could venture to face the public, and an ensured majority,
tion to certain well known, indisputable, uncontrovertible
with the disgraceful contents.
facts. His proposed enquiry would not be directed to as-
certain the rights of Great Britain, or the subordinate claims
The motion, after being opposed by Lorth North and Mr. Jen-
of America; to explain the constitutional connection between
kinson, and supported by Mr. Thomas Townshend, Mr. Hartley,
taxation and representation; what was rebellion, or what
Mr. Burke, and Sir George. Savile, was negatived without. a
legal resistance; or whether all America ought to have been
division.
punished and proscribed for the intemperate zeal or disobe-
dience of a Boston mob. He (lid not even mean to dispute
or controvert the expediency; nor in short, a single minis-
terial ground, on which the present measures respecting
America were taken up, pursued, and defended. Those were
all, for this day at least, to be absolutely laid aside. For
MR. Fox's MOTION FOR AN ENQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES
argument sake he would allow, that administration had acted
OF THE ILL SUCCESS or THE BRITISH ARMS IN NORTH
perfectly right; but while he granted this, he would take up
•
AMERICA.
the matter from the very instant administration had agreed
upon a plan of coercion. - This a2ra lie fixed at the time the
February 20. 1776.
minister first proposed certain Resolutions to the House in
February 1774, as a ground of complaint, and followed it
THE intelligence received from America in the course of this
Session, gave rise to several motions for papers
with the famous Boston Port Bill.
and for en-
quiry. The first effort was made by Mr. Fox, who this day
He then entered into an historical detail of the means em-
addressed the House as follows:
ployed to carry this plan of coercion into effect, in which he
painted in the strongest colours, and held to -view in the most
Mr. Fox said, that he should not trespass on the patience
striking lights, such a scene of folly in the cabinet, of servile
and good sense of the House, by recapitulating the cause of
acquiescence in parliament, and of misconduct and ignorance
the present unhappy disputes with America. He should not
in office and in the field, as had never before disgraced this
develope that system, whence the measures now carrying on
nation, or indeed any other. He added, that our ministers
were supposed to originate. He should forbear to animad-
wanted both wisdom and integrity ; our parliaments, public
vert upon a system, that in its principle, complexion, and in
spirit and discernment; and that our commanders by sea
every constituent part, gave the fullest and most unequi-
and land, were either deficient in abilities, or, which was the
vocal proofs that its ultimate design was the total destruc-
most probable, had acted under orders that prevented them
tion of the constitution of this free form of government.
from executing the great objects of their command. No man
These were assertions that might be disputed. People who
could say but there had been mismanagement and misconduct
had, or perhaps had not, the best opinion of the abilities of
somewhere. It was the chief object of his intended motion,
those in power, might have a confidence that they intended
to gain that species of information, which might be the means
nothing ill. Others, though they disapproved of their ge-
of discovering the true causes of both. Public justice de-
neral conduct, might think them the dupes of their secret.
manded such an enquiry. The individuals on whom the
supporters; and even such as thought the most indifferently
obloquy rested, were entitled to be heard in their own de-
of them would be disposed to look upon them rather as tools,
fence. To withhold the information necessary to their jus-
than arraign them as principals in so unnatural and horrid
tification, would be an insult to the nation, as well as an act
E 3
54
MOTION ON THE ILI, SUCCESS, &C.
[Feb. 2o,
THE BUDGET.
i ]76
T
.3
55
of private injustice. None but the guilty could wish to evade
Mr. William Adam, Governor Johnstone, Mr. Cruger, Mr. Burke,
it. No man as a soldier or sailor, be his rank ever so high,a
d Colonel
Barre.
T
an
was sure of his honour a single minute, if he was to be buried
under public disgrace, in order to protect, or palliate the
The previous question being put, That the slid first prcyoscd
blunders and incapacity of others. If the ministers had
question be now put ; the House divided :
planned with wisdom, and had proportioned the force to the
Tellers.
Tellers.
service; if the great officers in the several efficient depart-
f Mr. Fox
1 I04._NoE f Lord Mulgrave
YEAS 'Sir J. Lowther I
t
24C.
ments, had clone all that depended on them, ably and faith-
Mr. C. 'Townshen j
d
So it passed in the negative.
fully, then it was plain, that the whole of the miscarriages
that had happened might be deservedly imputed to our naval
and military commanders, If, on the other hand, the latter
had acquitted themselves according to their instructions,
and bad carried on their operations in proportion to the
force given them, it was no less plain, that the cause of all the
THE BUDGET.
disgraces the British arms had suffered, arose from ignorance
in those who planned, and incapacity and want of integrity
-April 24.
in those to whom the carrying them into execution was
the first instance entrusted.
IN a Committee of Ways and Means, Lord North opened the
He then recapitulated a variety of circumstances to prove
I annual Budget. As soon as the noble lord had moved his
his general allegations, and entered into the conduct of ad-
Resolutions, Governor Johnstone rose and observed, that it was
a little extraordinary that the Gallery of the House should be
ministration respecting Canada, and repeated several argu-
open on that day, seeing that it had been shut upon almost every
ments used at the time of passing the Quebec Act, predicting
other, since the commencement of the session, on which matters
what had since literally happened. He concluded by making
of importance had come under discussion. He assured the House
the following motion : " That it be referred to a Committee,
he was always pleased to see the Gallery as full as the convenience
to enquire into the Causes of the ill Success of His Majesty's
of the members would permit ; but the admission of strangers on
Arms in North America, as also into the Causes of the De-
sach a day as this, which gave the minister an advantage over
fection of the People of the Province of Quebec."
his opponents, by giving any sentiments as his own, and imputing
any sentiments he pleased to others-, fully convinced him that the
noble lord's influence extended to every matter relative to the
The Ministry seemed exceedingly embarrassed in this debate.
conduct and ordering of that Home, be the occasion ever so
The weight of defence, or rather of evading the enquiry, fell prin-
trivial or important. If strangers were to be shut out one day,
cipally upon the gentlemen in inferior or less responsible office.
none could be at a loss to know whence the mandate originated :
Lord Clare moved the previous question, and was supported by
if the gallery was to be open on another day, it was equally evident
Lord Mulgrave, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Mr. Welbore Ellis, the Soli- I
to whom the public were indebted for the indulgence.
citor General, and Lord North. The principal objections to the
enquiry were the unfitness of the time, the unfortunate situation
Mr. Pox animadverted with some humour and great as-
of ministers, who had preferred trying measures of lenity to absolute
force, and bad thus afforded the Americans many advantages.
perity, on the irregular conduct of the House respecting the
A powerful fleet and army were now to be employed, and would
opening of the gallery doors, asserting that the public had a
doubtless crush the rebellious, or bring them back to a proper
right to hear in what manner their representatives discharged
sense of duty. Lord North appealed to the candour and recol-
their duty ; and that the gallery being open or shut should
lection of the House : nothing had been transacted in a corner,
depend on the will of' any one or two persons, was exceedingly
but openly, and under the sanction of-their repeated approbation.
unfair. He dwelt a considerable time on this point, and after
It was not candid, he said, in an early period of the dispute, to
declaring that he knew that the gallery had been opened on
state objections against the conduct of administration, which were
a whisper from the noble lord, when he was prepared to say
only applicable to a state of hostility and open rebellion ; the
any thing likely to produce a popular effect; he went so far
ground was changed, and the measures would necessarily vary.
Mr. Fox's motion was seconded by Lord Ossory, and supported
as to assert, that in his opinion it was a breach of the con-
s
by Mr. Thomas Townshend, Mr. Fitzpatrick, Mr. Dampster,
titution to prevent the public from hearing their proceeding's.
To the Resolutions offered by the noble lord, he said, he
II
E 4
56
THE BUDGET.
[April 2a.
1776.3
THE BUDGET.
57
should give his flat negative, and that not because of any
to consider that there were nearly twelve million of people in
particular objections to the taxes proposed (although there
the kingdom ; the noble lord, therefore, only proved, that
might be suflicient ground for urging many), but because he
every man in the realm might buy one paper in the course of
could not conscientiously agree to grant any money for so
the year.—This was the first time he had ever heard that a
destructive, so ignoble a purpose, as the carrying on a war
law-suit was a luxury, but the noble lord had clearly made it
commenced unjustly, and supported with no other view than
appear, from the flattering picture of our resources which he
to the extirpation of freedom, and the violation of every
had just presented, that the war with America was a luxury,
social comfort. This, he said, he conceived to be the strict
and a luxury of the most frivolous and reprehensible kind ;
line of conduct to be observed by a member of parliament;
for the noble lord told the House we were able to provide
and to show that it was justifiable, he found himself necessi-
supplies equal to any necessity, and vet he was pursuing an
tated to state the case of the American quarrel, for as strangers
inhuman, unnatural war, for the sake of a trifling and un-
were admitted but for one day, it was necessary for him to
certain revenue. He, however, rather believed what the
repeat what he had often urged. This he acknowledged was
noble lord had said in the house when strangers were not in.
rather out of order, but the noble lord must expect that the
the gallery, than what had been so triumphantly stated by
irregularity of his own conduct would give rise to an irregular
him this day; fin- he was sure his declaration of the people's
debate. Mr. Fox then, in a very masterly manner, panned
wealth could only be proved by admitting the doctrine, that
the quarrel with America as unjust, and the pursuance of the
when, by any tax, four shillings in the pound were taken from
war as blood-thirsty and oppressive. He said, it had been
a subject he was greatly obliged, as he was in fact given the
repeatedly urged that the Americans aimed at independence,
remaining sixteen shillings. After a great deal of very poig-
and therefore ought not to be treated with till they laid down
nant matter, Mr. Fox sat down, repeating, that he gave his
their arms: nothing could be more absurd than this sort of
flat negative to the Resolutions.
argument; it would have been just as ridiculous, if in our
war with Louis the 14th, who was said to aim at universal
The Speaker rose, and observing that from what had Wen from
monarchy, we had declined to treat respecting the provinces
the two honourable gentlemen, his conduct might appear blameable,
respecting the opening of the gallery, begged to explain the
of Alsace and Lorrain, on account of the report of his aiming
reason of it, and to take the blame on himself, if there was any.
at universal monarchy.—After expressing his opinion of the
The standing order of the House was known to every gentleman,
quarrel, and justifying America with that rapid flow of words
and it was his duty to enforce it, whenever it was desired to be
and that spirit and force.of argument, for which Mr. Fox was
read. An honourable gentleman had, at an early period of the
distinguished, he at length took notice of the Resolutions
session, desired it to be read ; he had ever since punctiliously kept
offered by the noble lord, and in particular spoke of the in-
to it : but, as this was a day of money business, when it was usual
tended additional stamp on newspapers, which he urged as
to admit strangers, he conceived the House would wink at a relaxa-
impolitic and unfair while the ministerial brochures remained
tion from the general rule ; had therefore told the Serjeant to
unstamped. He said he was far from being a friend to the
admit strangers into the gallery ; but if he had gone too far, he
asked pardon of the Committee.
licentiousness of the press, although he revered its freedom.
The papers were intolerably licentious, and injurious to the
Mr. Fox said, he by no means blamed the Speaker, as he
peace of private families; but the noble lord had given rise
was conscious no officer acted with more uprightness and im-
to their insatiable rage for calumny, by suffering his hirelings
partiality ; but he was sure the gallery ought to be opened,
to abuse the gentlemen in opposition in terms of the most
.0 •
and he heartily wished the House would follow the example of
daring nature. He observed, that the press at this time
the other assembly, who now admitted strangers. He sincerely.
teemed with ministerial publications, many of which deserved
wished the standing order to be rescinded or amended, and if
the, severest censure; and that the pamphlet, entitled, " A
neither could be done, he wished the present bad method
History of the Thirteenth Parliament of Great Britain," was
should be pursued, in preference to a total prevention of the
a libel on that House, a libel of the most impudent kind, and
kdmission of strangers.
yet it had passed unnoticed. The noble lord had very tri-
umphantly held up, as a proof of the freedom of the press,
the information that twelve million and upwards ,of news-
papers were stamped in one year; he begged the noble lord
ADDRESS OF THANKS ON THE KING'S SPEECH. [Oct.3
s 8
6 ADDRESS OF THANKS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
59
177 •
cording to the promise in his speech at the beginning of* the
last session, as speedily as possible, had not dispatched them till
AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS OF THANKS ON THE KING'S
seven months afterward ; consequently the inhabitants of the
SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
colonies, apprized that they were put out of the protection of
government, and seeing no means provided for their return, were
October 31.
'urnished with reasons but too colourable for breaking off their
dependency on the crown of this kingdom. It concluded with
'HE Session was this day opened with a Speech from the
the following declaration ; " We should look with the utmost
Throne. The King declared that, " Nothing could have
shame and horror, on any events that should tend to break
afforded him so much satisfaction as to have been able to state,
the spirit of any large part of the British nation ; to bow them to
that the troubles which had so long distracted the colonies in North
an abject unconditional submission to any power whatsoever ; to
America were at an end ; and that his unhappy people, recovered
annihilate their liberties, and to subdue them to servile principles
from itheir delusion, had delivered themselves from the oppression
and passive habits, by the mere force of foreign mercenary arms ;
of their leaders, and returned to their duty. But so daring and
because, amidst the excesses and abuses which have happened, we
desperate was the spirit of those leaders, whose object had always
must respect the spirit and principles operating in these commo-
been dominion and power, that they had now openly renounced
tions. Our wish is to regulate, not to destroy them ; for though
all allegiance to the crown, and all political connection with this
differing in some circumstances, those very principles evidently
country: they had rejected, with circumstances of indignity and
hoar so exact an analogy with those which support the most va-
insult, the means of conciliation held out to them under the au-
luable part of our own constitution, that it is impossible, with any
thority of our commission ; and had presumed to set up their
appearance of justice, to think of wholly extirpating them by the
rebellious confederacies for independent states. If their treason
sword, in any part of His Majesty's dominions, without admitting
was suffered to take root, much mischief must grow from it, to
consequences, and establishing precedents, the most dangerous to
the safety of the loyal colonies, to the conunerce of the kingdoms,
the liberties of this kingdom." Governor Johnstone reprobated
and indeed to the present system of all Europe. The success of
the minister's Speech, as an entire compound of hypocrisy. The
the British arms gave the strongest hopes of decisive good conse-
Amendment was also supported by Mr. Wilkes, Mr. Temple Lut-
quences ; but notwithstanding this fair prospect, it was necessary
trell, Mr. Thomas Townshcnd, Colonel Barre, and Mr. Fox.
to prepare for another campaign : he recapitulated the pacific
Lord North repelled the charge of hypocrisy, so freely advanced
assurances of the European powers, and observed, he could have
against that part of the Speech, which stated the King's desire to
in this arduous contest no other object but to promote the true
restore to the Americans law and liberty. Instead of bein g absurd
interest of his subjects. No people ever enjoyed more happiness,
or hypocritical, it was supported by fact and sound logic :law and
or lived under a milder government, than the revolted provinces,
liberty were fled from America, but the debate of the day had fully
a fact proved by their progress in the arts, their numbers, their
proved, they had not quitted this country. Those who had thrown
wealth, and strength by sea and land, which inspired an over-
so many reflections on administration, would have found a grievous
weening confidence. He was desirous to restore to
difference, had they dared to make so free with the congress. It
them the
blessinus of -law and liberty, equally enjoyed by every British sub-
had always been the wish of administration to bring matters to an
''
ject, which they had fatally and desperately exchanged for the
early issue, and avoid bloodshed ; to use success and victory with
calamities of war, and the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs." An
prudence and moderation, rather as means of cementing lasting
Address of Thanks, framed in the usual manner, was proposed by
unity and amity, than as objects of triumph, instruments for forging
Mr. Neville. To this an amendment was moved by Lord John
the chains of slavery, or excuses for tyranny and oppression. Lord
Cavendish, and seconded by the Marquis of Granby, totally al-
George Germain expressed his conviction, that General Howe
tering all the sentiments of the original. It began by affirming,
would he able to put New York at the mercy of the King, after
that the disaffection and revolt of a whole people could not have
which, the legislature would be restored, and an opportunity would
taken place without great errors in conduct towards them. These
thereby be given to the well-affected to declare themselves.
errors were imputed to a want of sufficient information in par-
liament, and a too implicit confidence in ministers. Hence schemes
Mr. Fox said, that every circumstance that had fallen out
for the reduction and chastisement of a supposed inconsiderable
in America, was one aggregate proof, that Opposition had
party of factious men, had driven thirteen large provinces to
been right last session in all their prophecies, and in every
despair : a hearing had been refused to the reiterated complaints
motive they had laid down as the cause of their conduct : no-
and petitions of the colonists ; and commissioners, nominated for
thing could be so farcical as calling for unanimity, in approv-
the apparent purpose of making peace, were furnished with no
ing measures, because those measures had been uniformly
legal power but that of giving or withholding pardons at plea-
attended with the mischiefs that had been predicted: instead
sure. His Majesty, instead of sending out commissioners ? ac-
6o
ADDRESS OP THANKS ON THE KING'S SPEECH. [Oct.3o
076.j ADDRESS OP THANKS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
61
of applause and approbation, administration deserved nothing
should be solicitous to establish any thing that depended on a
but reproach—for having brought the Americans into such a
popular assembly. Kings, Sir, govern by means of popular
situation, that it was impossible for them to pursue any other
^assemblies, only because they cannot do without them ; to
conduct than what they had pursued. He went into the in-
cuppose a king fond of that mode of governing, is to suppose a
dependence declared by America, and said, that the Ameri-
chimera. It cannot exist. It is contrary to the nature of
cans had done no more than the English had done against
things; and it is hypocrisy to advance it.
James the Second. When James went out of the kingdom,
But, Sir, if this happy time of law and liberty is to be re-
the En g lish declared the throne to be abdicated, and chose
stored to America, why was it ever disturbed ? It reigned
another king. 'When the late severe laws were passed against
there till the abominable doctrine of gaining money by taxes
the Americans, they were thrown into anarchy; they declared
infatuated the heads of our statesmen. Why did you destroy
we had abdicated the government, and were therefore at
the fair work of so many ages, in order to re-establish that by
liberty to choose a government for themselves: He was asto-
the sword, which prudence, and the good government of the
nished at the sense which the noble lord in the blue ribbon
country, had seemed to fix for ever? But, Sir, how .is this
had put upon his conciliatory motion. He affirmed, that the
blessed system of law and liberty to be established? By the
motion contained no such proposition as that now asserted by
bayonets of disciplined Germans. The noble lord who spoke
the noble lord, nor could such a construction be put upon any
last, seemed to pride himself upon the Americans of Long
words in the motion. Ile desired that the Resolution of the
Island making a precipitate retreat. They were out-generalled.
27th of February 1775 might be read; which was done
Discipline triumphed over the enthusiasm which liberty in-
Well, Sir, continued Mr. Fox, is it not clear, that no such
spires. Did the noble lord triumph ? I pity his feelings.
proposition was held out by the motion ? and is it not ex-
Sir, something has been said on the case of General Clinton:
traordinary, that every body should understand the motion,
I wish that matter had been more fully explained; as it stands
but the author of it ? As to the noble lord who spoke last,
at present, the Gazette account is an infamous libel on the
priding himself on a legislature being re-established in New
character of that gallant officer. Let administration stand
York, it is the highest absurdity. Who can suppose, that,
forth, and avow that representation : they will not do it; they
with an army of 30,000 men there, a legislature will not be
dare not do it; they skulk from an open and a fair repre-
found that shall express just that spec'es of law and liberty
sentation.
which the other noble lord wishes to establish in America,
We have been told, that it is not for the interest of Spain
and which kings may naturally be supposed to wish to flow
and France to have America independent. Sir, I deny it ;—
from popular assemblies. Sir, it has been very well said, that
and say, it is contrary to every principle of common sense. Is
the Speech is an hypocritical one; and in truth there is not a
not the division of the enemy's power advantageous? Is not a
little hypocrisy in supposing, that a king—I except His present
free country engaged in trade less formidable than the ambi-
Majesty, who really loves liberty—but that a common king
tio» of an, old corrupted government, their only formidable
rival in Europe? The noble lord who moved the amendment,
said, that we were in the dilemma of conquering, or abandon-
" Resolved, That when the governor, council and assembly, or general
i ng America: if we arc reduced to that, I am for abandoning
court of any of His Majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose
America. What have been the advantages of America to this
to make provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situation
kingdom ? Extent of trade, increase of commercial advantages,
of suchprovince or colony, for contributing their proportion to the com-
mon defence, (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the
and a numerous people growing up in the same ideas and
general court, or general assembly of such province or colony, and disposa-
sentiments as ourselves. Now, Sir, would those advantages
ble by parliament,) and shall engage to make provision also for the support
accrue to us, if America was conquered? Not one of them.
of the civil government, and the administration of justice, in such province
or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved of by Ms
Such a possession of America must be secured by a standing
Majesty and the two Houses of parliament, and for so long as such provi-
army.; and that, let me observe, must be a very considerable
sion shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or
army. Consider, Sir, that that army must be cut off from the
colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any further duty,
intercourse of social liberty here, and accustomed, in every in-
tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to con-
tinue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce; the nett pro-
stance, to bow down and break the spirits of men, to trample
duce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such
n the rights, and to live on the spoils cruelly wrung from the
province or colony respectively."
oweut and labour of their fellow subjects;---such an army,
62
MOTION FOR REVISING THE LAWS
[NON%
AGAINST THE AMERICANS.
63
1776.1
employed for ,such purposes, and paid by such means, for snp,
blic, congratulated the House on the gleam of peace and con.
pu
porting such principles, would be a very proper instrument to
liation. Parliament, he said, had been treated with the most
effect points of a greater, or at least more favourite importance
cul
iortifying contempt ; commissioners were sent out with powers
nearer home; points, perhaps, very unfavourable to the liber,
only, to grant pardons,. and receive submissions ; yet, wonderful to
relate, parliament is informed, through - the channel of a news-
ties of this country.
,p2r, that those commissioners are authorized to answer di-
rectly for the sovereign, and obliquely for the concurrence of
The House divided upon the Amendment : Yeas 87 : Noes 242,
the other two branches of the legislature, in revising all acts, by
which the Americans are aggrieved. Parliament were reduced
cypbeys. in the whole conduct of the business ; they were called
to
by way of requisition, to sanction acts which would render
on,
diem abhorred by their fellow subjects in every part of the em-
pire; but when an appearance of lenity is shown, all the merit was
LORD JOHN CAVENDISH'S MOTION FOR THE REVISAL OF ALL
attributed to the king and his ministers. Yet if' the proposals
THE LAWS BY WHICH THE AMERICANS THINK THEMSELVES
were sincere, he would not found objections on mere punctilios ;
AGGRIEVED.
to give the negotiation more weight and efficacy, parliament ought,
as the first proof of a pacific disposition, to co-operate in so
November 6. 1 7 7 6.
desirable a work. It would, besides, restore ministers to con-
fidence ; their professions were disbelieved in America ; the mo-
T ORD JOHN CAVENDISH called the attention of the House
tion, therefore, he was about to make, would be the means of
to the extraordinary Declaration issued by Lord Howe and
removing the almost universal opinion that prevailed in America,
his brother, on taking possession of New York, which had appeared
that every ministerial promise was given with some insidious in-
in the public prints of that day, and called upon the ministers to
tention of treachery, deceit, imposition, or to divide them, in order
tell the House whether it was genuine or not. The authenticity of
the more easily to break their strength, and subdue them. To
the Declaration being avowed by Lord North and Lord George
remove so strong an impediment to peace and conciliiiiitsioLno;rdtio.
Germain, Lord John Cavendish, though astonished at the contents,
chew we were in earnest, and wished sincerely for both ;
and the extraordinary manner in which they were imparted to the
ship moved, " That this House will resolve itself into a committee,
to consider of the revisal of all acts of parliament, by which Hifi
Majesty's subjects in America think themselves aggrieved." The
The following is a Copy of the said Declaration
motion was seconded by Mr. Burke, and supported by Mr. Byng,
'' By Richard Viscount Howe, of the kingdom of Ireland, and William
Mr. Dunning, and Mr. Fox. Lord North, Mr. Solicitor General
Howe, Esq. General of His Majesty's forces in America, the King's Com-
Weclderburn, Mr. Rous, and Lord George Germain, complained
missioners for restoring peace in His Majesty's colonies and plantations
of it as a surprize, a sudden and unexpected manoeuvre, no business
in North America, &c.
of consequence being expected before the recess.
DECLARATION.
Although the Congress, whom the misguided Americans suffer to direct
their opposition to a re-establishment of the constitutional government of
Mr. Fox observed, that however absurd and inconsistent:
these provinces, have disavowed every purpose of reconciliation not conso-
administration had slimed themselves in other respects, iii
nant with their extravagant inadmissible claim of independency; the King's
their measures relative to America, and their professed con-
commissioners think fit to declare, that the .7, are equally desirous to confer
tempt for parliament, they had been perfectly uniform and
with His Majesty's well-affected subjects upon the means of restoring the
public tranquillity, and establishing a permanent union with every colony
consistent. They had all along manifested the most con-
as a part of the British empire. The King being most graciously pleased to
temptuous treatment of that House. He was always with the
direct a revision of such of his royal instructions as may be construed to lay
majority of the Liouse in one point, though not upon other
an improper restraint upon the freedom of legislation in any of his colonies,
occasions, in supporting its dignity, privileges, and conse-
and to concur in the revisal of all his acts by which his subjects there may
think themselves aggrieved, it is recommended to the inhabitants
quence with the people; which, in every measure relative to
at largeto
reflect seriously upon their present condition, and to judge for themselves,
America, had been most shamefully violated ; every info:-,
whether it be more consistent with their honour and happiness to offer up
nuttion was denied, or purposely held back. 'The operations
their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they arc
of war, it was true, were communicated with all possible
engaeed, or to return to their allegiance, accept the blessings of peace, and
o
be secured in a free enjoyment of their liberty and properties, upon the true
stentation and parade; but the only proper objects of par-
principles of the constitution, Given at New York, the 1 9th September, 1776.
l iamentary attention were totally neglected, and left to be
" HowE,
collected from chance, vague reports, or a newspaper, while
cr W. Howe."
11111
(54
MOTION FOR IZEVISING THE LAWS
[Nov. 6.
AGAINST THE AMERICANS.
; 7 7 6
the negociations for peace, in which parliament and the nation
proclamation alluded to, he had strong reasons to suspect,
were much more deeply interested, as the welfare of this
that other matters of a similar nature were suppressed, and
country more immediately depended upon them, were kept
never permitted to see the light. If there had been ally such,
in a state of concealment, as if ministers were ashamed to
why had not parliament been made acquainted with them?
own, as well they might, that after all the blood and treasure
Was it not reasonable, that this House should know them ?—
which had been spent in the unhappy contest, they were obliged
ije then addressed the Treasury-bench, and asked, if every
to offer those very conditions which they had some years
supply they demanded had not been granted ? 'Why, then,
since rejected, with every mark of displeasure and disappro-
in this, as well as every other instance, keep back informa-
bation. The account from New York, he observed, was re-
tion, or, which was the same thing, neglect to give it to par-
ceived late on Saturday, night; an Extraordinary Gazette,
liament, which had acted so openly, and put such confidence
announcing the retreat of the provincials from that city, was
in ministers ? What was the return ? Either a downright, de-
published early on Monday morning; another Gazette fol-
signed imposition, or the most gross nonsense. 'What do
lowed it the succeeding evening; and yet a syllable of the
the commissioners promise in the King's name? That " being
Declaration never transpired. He first heard it at the Opera
most graciously pleased to concur in the revisal of all Acts,"
the preceding evening, and read it that morning in a news-
Scc. Does his majesty, at any time, or upon any occasion,
paper; still doubting its being genuine, till he heard it au-
concur in the revisal of any Acts of any kind ? He may con-
thenticated by the two noble lords on the opposite bench.
cur in the repeal of an Act, or in any amendment made in
He begged to be understood, that he did not make a. charge
an Act which conies in the shape of a Bill, waiting for the
of intentional concealment; but he contended, that ministers
royal assent; but as for promising to concur in the revisal
were no less culpable than if they concealed it from design;
of a law, which implies examination and amendment, in stages
particularl y, when the omission included in it the most ma-
in which lie can possibly take no part, it is rank ignorance
nifest and mortifying inattention to parliament, whose sen-
or gross deceit. Besides, though ministers were serious, the
timents the penner of the above Declaration had virtually,
promise could not be fulfilled, without supposing, that the
and, he would add, audaciously, engaged fur; there being
opinion of parliament was just what ministers pleased to dic-
but little or no essential difference, according to the present
tate; for what signifies what his majesty's good dispositions
well known pliable disposition of that House, between a royal
may be, since parliament, it is well known, thinks differently ?
promise to concur in the revisal of certain acts of the British
It, therefore, revisal meant any thing, it meant a repeal, which
legislature, and an actual solemn engagment of the whole le-
it was impossible to expect from the present parliament, as
gislature, for its due and faithful performance. In America,
they had so frequently refused any proposition, tending even
he said, all was peace, conciliation, and parental tenderness;
that way.—He concluded with observing, that the commis-
in England, nothing was heard of but subjugation, uncondi-
aioners, especially Lord Howe, were known to be friends to
tional submission, and a war of conquest. With that view
conciliation ; and for that reason, were not sent out till so late
administration had procured a pamphlet to be written and sent
in the season, that government knew the Americans must
to America, where thousands of them were distributed gratis;
have declared for independency, before they arrived. He
while in England the title was not so much as known, till •
declared it as his firm opinion, that there could be no peace
after the publication on the other side the Atlantic. Pub-
in America, without a complete relinquishment on our part
lications of a very different tendency were encouraged here.
of the claim of taxation ; that the congress might well call
America was to be subdued; taxes were to be obtained; char-
the propositions of the court of Great Britain insidious, if the
ters were to be modified or annihilated at pleaslare. These
House of Commons refused to support the declaration of the
co
doctrines secured a party, and the bulk of the people on this
mmissioners : that the expressions in the declaration were
co
side of the water, while the most moderate measures and
mplained of as not being clear ; but that whenever an ex-
fascinating promises were held out on the other, in order to
pression was represented as not clear, the act accompanying
insidiously trepan and deceive. — He returned to what he
it must be taken as its commentary. If then, the declaration
called the shameful inattention and neglect which ministers
h1 question was not clear, how must America understand it,
ashen
had shewn in their conduct towards parliament; and said,
by the vote of this House, this day, should the noble
that as government had taken so much pains to conceal the
motion be negatived, they shall plainly perceive, that
the Commons of Great Britain had peremptorily refused tQ
toI I.
r
j
66
SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
[Feb. 10
1777.] SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
67
concur in rendering his majesty's gracious dispositions
Mr. Fox said, that the bill served as a kind of key, or
effective.
index, to the design that ministers had been for some years
manifestly forming, the objects of which they rendered visible
The House divided :
from time to time, as opportunity served, as circumstances
Tellers.
Tellers.
I
proved favourable, or as protection increased and power
Mr. Fox I 47.—NOEs f Earl Lisburne
YEAS
} 1°9.:
strengthened. It resembled, he said, the first scene in the
-
Mr. Byng
iMr. Charles Townshend
fifth act of a play, when some important transaction or cir-
So it passed in the negative.*
cumstance, affecting the chief personages in the drama, comes
to be revealed, and points directly to the denouement. This
an had been long visible, and however covertly hid, or art-
•
fully held back out of sight, was uniformly adopted, and_
steadily pursued : it was nothing less than robbing America
of her franchises, as a previous step to the introduction of the
BILL FOR SUSPENDING THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT, IN
same system of government into this country ; and, in fine, of
AMERICA, &C.
spreading arbitrary dominion over all the territories 'belonging
to the British . crown. He contended, that nothing but the
February to. 1777.
most inevitable necessity could justify the present measure ;
such a concurrence of circumstances, as happened at the Revo-
ON the 6th of February, Lord North brought in a bill "
lution, when the people of England were compelled to em-
empower his majesty to secure and detain Persons charged
brace the alternative of submitting passively to the will of a
with, or suspected of, the Crime of High Treason committed in
base, perjured tyrant, or of trusting to the dangerous experi-
North America, or on the High Seas, or the Crime of Piracy." The
progress of this Bill was contested with a warmth and pertinacity
ment of appointing a dictator to preside over them, in the
proportioned to the magnitude of its objects, and the importance
person of the Prince of Orange, till a new constitutional
of the habeas corpus, that inestimable privilege, which it was'
establishment could be formed, and legally recognised. This
intended to suspend. Lord North, on the motion for introducing
perilous state of things was but of short duration; it was
it, observed, that during the war many prisoners had been made,
running, to be sure, a great risk; but then, it was to preserve
who were in actual commission of high treason ; and many might
the liberty of this country from eternal destruction.—He
be taken in the same predicament, but perhaps for want of evi-
dwelt a considerable time on the invaluable advantages de-
dence could not be legally confined. It had been customary on
rived from the habeas corpus a61, which he called the great
similar occasions of rebellion, or danger of invasion, to enable the
palladium of the liberties of the subject ; expressing, at the
King to seize suspicious individuals ; but ministers, at present, did
not demand a confidence so extensive ; there was no domestic
same time, his astonishment, in the boldest and most ani-
rebellion, nor any prospect of invasion ; but as the law stood, it
mated terms, at the insolence and temerity of ministers, who
was not possible, officially, to apprehend the most suspected per-
could thus dare to snatch it from the people, by a mandate
son ; prisoners made from the rebels, and in the act of piracy oh
manufactured by themselves, though sanctioned by the sign
the high seas, could only be legally confined in the common gaols,
manual; and not only attempt to deprive the object of their
a mode which their numbers would render impracticable. It was
envy, resentment, or fears, of his liberty, but send him cut of
necessary the crown should have a power of confining them like
Great Britain, to the most remote part of the British domi-
other prisoners of war. On the second reading, upon the loth,
nions. Who knows, said he, but the ministers, in the full-
ness of their malice, may take into their heads, that I have
served on Long Island, under General Washinp:ton ? 'What
From this time a great number of the minority, particularly of the
would it avail me, in such an event, to plead an alibi; tp
Rockingham party, began to relax in their attendance upon parliament in
either House; or rather to withdraw themselves wholly and avowedly upon
assure my old friends, that I was, during the whole of
all questions which related to America, and only to attend upon -such mat-
the autumn American campaign, in England ; that I war
ters of private bills or business, in which they had some particular concern
never in America, nor on any other sea but between Dover
or interest. This conduct was so marked, that some of the principal leaders
of Opposition, after attending the House of Commons, in the morning, upon
and Calais; and that all my acts of piracy were committed on
private business, as soon as a public question was introduced, took a formai
the mute creation ? All this may be • very true, says a mi-
leave of the Speaker, and immediately withdrew.
nister, or a minister's understrapper, you :ire for the present
•
F 2
G8
SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT. [Feb. i
SUSPENSION OP THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
69
777'1
suspected, that is sufficient. I know you are fond of Scoff
bill : Yeas 195: Noes 43.The alarm excited by this bill, recalled
land ; this is not the time for proofs; you may be, and very
a few of those members who had of late absented themselves from
probably are innocent; what of that? this bill cares not a
the House. The debates became long, animated, and highly in-
fig whether you are guilty or innocent. I will send you, under
teresting, and were not unfrequently intermixed with the severest
animadversion. On the 44th, the order of the day being read for
this sign manual, to study the Erse language in the Isle of
Bute; and as soon as the operation of the bill is spent, you
bringing up the report,
will be at liberty to return whither you please ; and then you
Mr. Fox was against receiving the report. He said no man
may, if you like, call on your accusers, to prove their charges
was safe an instant, should the bill pass into a law. It would
of treason in America, and of piracy on the high seas ; but
arm the most profligate of the human species; and give them
they will laugh in your face, and tell you they never charged
a power over the best men in the nation. No man would be
you, they only suspected you ; and the act of parliament will
safe under it, unless one could suppose that a country magis-
serve as a. complete plea in bar ; it will answer a double end;
trate understood more law, and was more sagacious; or
it will be at once your redress and our justification.-0, but
trading justice had more honour and equity in him, than
says the learned gentleman, it is not possible to tell how far
the Chief-justice of Chester (Mr. Morton). That learned
constructive treason may extend ; or whether it may not reach
such as have aided and abetted the American rebels, by send-
gentleman was of opinion, that the bill gave the powers now
attributed to it; and if so, it was clear that it meant something
ing them arms and ammunition, by corresponding with them,
very different from what it was said to import.
&c. It is, it seems, lucky for me, that I have no connection
in America; if I had, though they could not so decently
suspect me of being on Long Island in August last, when they
Februau 17.
knew the contrary, they might say, that I held a treasonable
or a piratical correspondence with them. Suppose, for instance,
ON the order of the day for the third reading of the bill, Mr.
Dunning, who first laid open its principle and tendency, and had
I had an old school-fel low, or intimate companion : I should
since been indefatigable both in his general opposition, and his
most probably have kept up a correspondence; and when
endeavours to disarm it of some of those powers which he con-
writing to him, should have told him, " that the Whigs, and
sidered as the most dangerous, proposed a clause to be added to
those that were friends to the Revolution, were looked upon
the bill by way of rider. He introduced the amendment with a
now_as factious persons, for these are the times that large
speech fraught with legal and professional knowledge, in which he
strides are taken, not only to destroy the liberties of America,.
went through and examined the whole course of controversy on
but of this country likewise." Would not such a paragraph
both sides, and having combated the arguments which had been
as this furnish a good ground for suspicion ? But weakness,
used in support of the bill, and pointed out the evil consequences
to be apprehended in its present state, moved an additional clause
cruelty, suspicion, and credulity, are almost always insepa-
to the following purport: " Provided also, and be it hereby de-
rable; at least they are often found in the same company.
clared, that nothing herein contained is intended, or shall be
Ministers are credulous in the extreme, because they are.
construed to extend to the case of any other prisoner, or prisoners,
fearful; and they are fearful from a consciousness of their
than such as have been in some one of the colonies before
crimes. Suspicions, however ill founded, upon tales, how-
mentioned, or on the high seas, at the time or times of the offence
ever improbable, are received by them as filets not to be con-
or offences, wherewith he or they shall be charged." Mr. Corn-
troverted ; witness the information of Richardson against
wall agreed to receive the clause in part, if the mover would
Sayre, some time since; and the 'recent affitir
admit an amendment of his own to be interwoven with, and added
of John the
Painter, relative to the improbable story of his setting fire to
to it ; namely, that the words, " In some one of di,: colonies,
or on the high seas," should be left out, and the words, " Out of
the rope-house at Portsmouth. I am not surprised at any
the realm," inserted in their room ; and that the following words,
thinp,'. The tone of the minister is become firm, loud, and.
" Or of which they shall be suspected," should be added to, and
decisive. He has already assured us, in this House, that he
conclude the original clause. If this amendment did not afford all
has nearly subdued America; and by what we are able to
that was wished, the acceptance of the clause, even in its present
collect from this bill, we may presume, he means to extend
form, was, however, an object of great consequence with the mi-
his conquests nearer home.
nority, who now considered the bill as having neiviy lost two of
Its most clangorous fangs • the last, though not entirely diawn,
The House divided on the motion for the second reading of the
being now tolerably
'
blunted.
P 3
70
SUSPENSION OF Tim HADEAS CORPUS ACT. [Feb. 17.
SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
7
1777.3
Mr. Fox, after reprobating the principle of the bill, and
into the measures of the power, which thus applies for succour.
declaring that he thought if even the clause were agreed to,
Sometimes Franklin and Deane received greater encourage-
as first moved by his honourable and learned friend, he should
ment, at other times less, according to the tone of the court,
he called on to give the bill a most hearty negative, said he
and the prevailing sentiments and opinions at the time. But
must desire to draw the attention of the House, to the conduct
however these might vary, one important truth might be
of the court of France, respecting our disputes with America.
howev
from the whole, that France was secretly hostile to
He affirmed, from his own knowledge, that we were on the
gathered
Great Britain; that she publicly and privately received, treated,
eve of a war with France, immediately preceding the meeting
and negotiated with the members of the American Congress, or
of the present session, in the month of October. He was of
with persons authorised and deputed for them. — He next
opinion, that administration were extremely negligent in
attacked what he called the shameful, disgraceful, and im-
respect of home security and national defence; particularly
probable falsehoods that the only paper, published by autho-
in not calling out and embodying the militia, when it was
rity in this country, was filled with, upon every occasion,
well known what a defenceless state we were in at the time,
given in the accounts received from America. lie said, he
and still, he was sorry to say, continued to be. At present,
had been in
y
compan, at Paris, with an American lately
the disposition of France, he allowed, was much changed.
arrived in that capital, who informed him that our London
The courts of Versailles and Madrid, whatever their latent or • -
Gazette gave long details, from 'time to time, of successes
remote intentions might be, took care carefully to conceal
ained by our troops, which never had any existence but on
one, or had prudently postponed the other, (which was the
g
paper. He assured him in particular, that the lists of the
e,
most probable supposition,) till they were sufficiently prepared
killed, wounded, and prisoners, since the commencement of
to strike a decisive, perhaps a fatal blow, which was certainly
the campaign, amounted to nearly as many as the Congress
not. the case at present. Their peaceable demeanor, their _11
had enlisted, mustered, or arrayed : but as the nation were
promises and appearances, were most assuredly the conse-
to have something in return for the blood and treasure so
quence of necessity, not choice. The disposition of the French
shamefully lavished on our side, something to balance against
nation in general, and the sentiments of such as turned their
new debts, accompanied with new taxes, he could not say
thoughts to foreign politics, respecting the civil war in Ame-
but he much approved of the device, as he was infinitely better
rica, bore testimony how much they considered that war as a
pleased to see men killed upon paper, than be convinced that
matter that promised to be extremely favourable to their
they had fallen in battle. He then took a general view of
interests, in the final event. He had other proof, which
the situation of affairs in America, the state of the respective
confirmed the conclusion now made, in a much clearer man-
armies, their number, &c. and contended, from the present
ner; that was the disposition of the French cabinet, which
appearance of affairs in that country, that we were no nearer
daily manifested itself in a variety of circumstances. Ile did
conquering America now, than we were three years ago. If
not mean to enter into details; but the filets he was about to
it should ever be effected, he was satisfied it would be the work
mention, were important, and such, too, as would not leave
of time, perhaps of many campaigns. Though France had
a doubt of their tendency ; he alluded to the conduct of
altered her intention of taking an early and decided part,
the French ministry to two of the members of the American
and would not venture to break with us, till her navy should
Congress, now resident at Paris, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Silas
be put upon a respectable footing, yet a peace resting on so
Deane. He was warranted in affirming, from his own know-
precarious a foundation, was in fact no peace, and was more
ledge, that they both appeared publicly at Paris and Ver-
hurtful, in its remote consequences, than war actually de-
sailles; they were known to hold conferences with the King's
clared. The Dutch were nearly twenty years struggling
ministers, to treat and negotiate with them, and to be received
against their tyrannical oppressors, before they procured any
by them substantially on the same footing as the represen-
assistance from foreign states ; our strength would be there-
tatives. of any independent power in Christendom. The cor-
fore gradually decreasing, and we might probably find our-
-respondence held between them was of the same nature with
selves engaged in a bloody and expensive war, when we least
that usually carried on between two powers, where one
expected it, and were least prepared for it.
of them seeks for assistance, and the other, from motives
of' policy, listens, deliberates, and determines. , -upon ,the pro-
Lord North exculpated himself in particular, and administration
priety or impropriety of adopting the schemes, or entering
in general, from every intention of establishing any unconstitutional
4
SUSPENSION OF THE IIABEAS CORPUS ACT. [Feb. 17•
] SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
1777.
'precedents, or of seeking or wishing any powers to be entrusted,
seven rebels had been shoved into a room in New York, and
either to the crown or to themselves, which were capable of being
there burnt
employed to bad or oppressive purposes; disavowed all design of
still, if possible, more zealous and loyal,
extending the operation of the bill beyond its open and avowed
(Mr. Adam,) might feast himself with contemplating the glo-
objects ; said it was intended for America, not for Great Britain ;
rious deeds daily and hourly achieved in our southern colonies
that as he would ask for no power that was not wanted, so he
and back settlements, where the savages came down in great
would scorn to receive it by any covert means ; and whilst he ex-
pressed his concern for the jealousy excited by any ambiguity that
numbers, (if the accounts received by administration themselves
appeared in the bill, hoped that the present amended clause would
from that country were to be depended on,) and massacred the
afford full satisfaction to the gentlemen on the other side of the
innocen t settlers in cold blood ; and the slaves were merito-
House, and that the law would now meet with the approbation of
riously employed in the murder of their unprepared and un-
all parties.
suspicious masters, through the encouragement of an adminis-
This unexpected conduct caused great dissatisfaction on his own
tration which had been this day so unjustly arraigned, as
side. Those who had been the avowed supporters of the bill,
sluggish and inert, as wanting spirit and alacrity, in the glo-
thought themselves particularly ill treated. Mr. Wiliam Adam
rious work of blood and carnage ; of planning nothing but
thought the measures now pursuing by government would have
been more efficacious, in all probability, had they been taken up
tame and indecisive measures, still more tamely and indecisively
earlier ; and when they were taken up, had they been carried into
executed !
execution with more spirit and alacrity. No man was farther from
approving of sanguinary measures than he was ; and he always
The question was put on Mr. Dunning's motion, as amended by.
thought. that the surest means in such cases, of preventing the ef-
Mr. Cornwall, and agreed to without a division.
fusion of blood, and all. the dire calamities of a civil war, was by
adopting vigorous measures in time, and executing them season-
Mr. Fox wished the House much joy, and felicitated the na-
ably. The Solicitor General said, he did not see any necessity
tion in general on the escape they had had from, at least, a state
either for the clause or amendment, yet he should have had no
of temporary tyrannic dominion, which perhaps, all in good
objection to it, if its friends had been contented with carrying it
time, was meant to be rendered perpetual. He congratulated
early in the day; but as the gentlemen who moved and supported
it, had been indulged with an acquiescence on the part of adminis-
the minority in particular, on their success that day; who, he
tration, and still continuec • to debate the principle of the bill, he
said, had corrected this very reprehensible bill : though a mi-
,should now most certainly vote against it.
nority, they had accomplished this alteration ; the ministers
were not only convinced, but ashamed, and had accepted of
Mr. Fox said, he admitted the candour and condescension
the alteration. It was no compliment to their friends the
of the learned gentleman, in granting the favour of permitting
majority, for they were ready to pass the bill as it was brought
the clause to make part of the bill, if the terms in which the
in. It was the minority, he repeated, who; though a minority,
favour had been asked had been accompanied with that degree
had corrected this bill, which the noble lord had brought in
of gratitude and submission which the granting so high a boon
crude and indigested, imperfect and erroneous. The noble
deserved ; if the debate had not been prolonged to that late
lord was obliged to his friends the minority, for digesting,
hour, when it might be -supposed the learned gentleman's
altering, and correcting his bill, not to his friends the ma-
presence might be more useful, and more eagerly sought. Yet,
jority, who were ready to swallow it with all its original crudi-
upon consideration, nice as the learned gentleman's feelings
ties, cruelties, and errors. He then enlarged in a humorous,
were, eager as he was to get out of the crowd, careless as he
ironical strain, on the power of the learned Solicitor General,
was of his duty in that House, and indifferent as he seemed to
who threatened to damn the clause totally, and blow it out of
be to the consequences of the bill ; in either or any event, he
the House, if he was any ct
loner teased with the noise and
imagined his resentments against conquered America, his na-
nonsense of his opponents, and detained from his social enjoy-
tive hatred of rebellion, his zeal for government, and his per-
ments half or a quarter of an hour beyond his time ; and
sonal loyalty to the family on the throne, might have been in
painted his own fears very humorously, lest some of the over-
some degree gratified, without pushing this bill to the extent
zealous friends of the clause should rise, and provoke the
he seemed to desire. It might allay the learned gentleman's
learned gentleman to carry his threats into execution. He
thirst for public chastisement, and exemplary punishment,
was two or three times rising to speak, he said, but happily
when he could satisfy himself with the pleasing reflection that
repressed his feelings, as he watched the countenance of thG
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
75
71
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST-
[April 16.
learned gentleman, and imagined he could perceive a glow of
i I e 07 f.P papers,
of . containing various accounts of the expenditure, and
begr
honest zeal, and determined resentment overspread it, which
a comparative statement of the whole amount of the present civil
list establishment, from the year 176e, with that of the produce of
denoted the most inevitable destruction to the clause, and
former revenues, which had been appropriated to that service,
terror, dismay and defeat to all its supporters. He said, he
d
the same period ; the former being intended to explain the
uring
must seriously congratulate the House, and the nation at large,
causes
excess in the expenditure, and the latter to shew, that
on the preservation of the constitutional freedom of this coun-
the crown had been a loser by the bargain which it then made with
try, from the stab that had been predetermined, and covertly
parliamen t. A motion was then made, and carried, that the mes-
aimed at its vitals, by the bill as it stood before the clause was
sage should, on the i 6th, be referred to the consideration of the
agreed to ; for if it had passed in that form, he could with
committee of supply. On the adjourned day for taking the mes-
sage into consideration by the committee of supply, a motion was
confidence affirm, that no Englishman, as long as it remained
made by Lord John Cavendish, that the order of reference of the
in force, (and God knew how long that might be!) would have
had the shadow of liberty left, or could be a minute secure
9th instant might be discharged. The view of this motion was,
b .
that instead of carrying the question directly into the committee of
carrying
against the most cruel attacks of public oppression, or private
supply, there to determine at -once by a vote, whether provision
malice and revenge. He then argued against the principle of
should be made for supplying the whole demands, the accounts of
the bill, and said it was a dangerous and unnecessary bill,
the expenditure, the causes of the excess, the means of preventing
even in its amended state ; that still any man who for pleasure
it in future, and the propriety of complying in the whole or in
or business happened to be out of the realm, lay at the mercy
part with the requisitions, should first be examined accurately, and
of ministers, of his private enemies, or of public informers.
considered with due deliberation, in a committee of the whole
House. This motion accordingly, which was, in effect, whether
On the whole, his fears being at an end respecting the clause,
the Speaker should leave the chair, brought out the whole force of
he was now at liberty to express his sentiments freely; and
debate, which was long and ably supported, most of the considera-
under that sanction he totally disapproved of the principle of
ble speakers on both sides having distinguished themselves in its
the bill and of the clause ; he looked upon the bill as a dan-
course.
gerous precedent; and learning the true disposition and de-
sign of administration, from their conduct throughout,
Mr. Fox, after describing what he termed the wanton pro-
should give it a most hearty negative.
fusion of ministers for a series of years back, in the several
great departments of the state, and the shameless prodigality
The question being put on the third reading, the House divided:
that prevailed in the disposition of the revenues of the civil
Yeas I Iz : Noes 3 3 . The bill was then passed.
list, predicted a day of reckoning, when probably ministers
would not be permitted to pass such accounts as those now
lging on the table. He told the House, that he should not
,
go over the items which had been already mentioned; and to
which, there had not as yet even so much as the colour of an
answer been given. There was one article, however, which he
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
could not pass over without mentioning; and he presumed, it
had struck every gentleman present as well as himself with
April 16.
astonishment. It was the sum of c 13,0001. stated under the
head of the Board of Works, in the course of the last eight
ON the 9th of April, Lord North delivered a message from the
years, without telling to whom the money had been paid, on
King, in which much concern was expressed by the Sove-
reign at being obliged to acquaint them with the difficulties he
what account it had been paid, or on what palace, house, park,
laboured under, from debts incurred by the expences of the house-
garden, or place, the money had been expended. He ob-
hold, and of the civil government, which amounted on the 5th of
served that the conduct of the minister, in 1769, though the
the preceding January to upwards of 600,ocoi. That he relied on
noble lord now disclaimed the appellation, was much less re-
the loyalty and affection of his faithful commons, of which he had
prehensible than now. He then acted openly, and came
received so many signal proofs, for enabling him to discharge this
boldly to parliament to demand a round sum, without account.
debt, and that they would, at the same time, make some further
" I want the money; I cannot wait; grant it now, and you
provision for the better support of his household, and of the honour
shall have the account next year." On this occasion, Par-
and dignity of the crown. The
b
messao.m-
e was attended with a nu
76
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
[April
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
77
1777.]
liament had the option to grant or refuse; to take his word,
kle was responsible as minister, for his ministerial assurances,
or disbelieve it. New men, new measures; the noble lord
as much then, as at present; and as chancellor of the ex-
told the House this day, very gravely, that he was not then
chequer, he was bound by the nature of his office to know that
first minister; but that he had since become one, entirely on
his assurances were founded in truth. Take, then, the matter
his own bottom ; that accounts ought to precede the grant;
in the noble lord's own way ; does he not stand on the precise
but when the accounts came to be examined, what did they
around be did then ? Did he not come in 1769 , as well as in
turn out? No accounts at all; but a detail of arbitrary sums,
as minister of the House of Commons and chancellor
7777,
for ought we knew, set down according to the fanciful ideas
of the exchequer, not as first lord of the treasury, and
of several persons who wrote them ; and all consolidated into
prime minister ? But convict the noble lord on any or all of
one round sum, which we are called upon to grant out of the
these grounds, and he still imagines he can evade his pur-
purses of our constituents, without being satisfied that a single
suers. He says lie never gave any such promise. Will his
item is fairly or perfectly stated ; unless we trust to the inte-
lordsh i p rest his justification on that alone? If be does, I
grity of ministers, and the fidelity of their subordinate instru-
pledge myself to prove he did ; if lie will not, but will con-
ments. Well, taking it for granted, that the sums are truly
tend, that he is not bound in one event by a promise, which
stated, why trouble the House with such an account at all,
he denies in the other, I submit whether in the opinion of all ,
unless to add mockery to contempt, and blend insult with de-
impartial men, the noble lord be not in fact convicted on both
rision ? When we had no account, we trusted to ministers.
grounds. If, however, he should still rest his defence, on his
Now that we have an account, we are equally compelled to be
not being responsible for any acts of his, ministerial or official,
satisfied with their bare word. So that taking the matter in
he would nevertheless on the present occasion, out of regard
its true light, the present proposition is neither more nor less,
to his own honour and character, recommend to his lordship,
than a demand the minister makes on parliament far 618,coa.
to consent to the proposed committee of enquiry ; because, if
which he says was expended in the public service; but of the
any malversation in office, any waste of public money should
reality of such expenditure, we properly know no more than
have happened, the blame would fall of course on his lordship,
we do of any sum of a like amount, expended by any prince
as chancellor -of the exchequer. Not supposing that there
in Europe. We are precisely as well informed now how this
existed the least ground for any such imputation, he looked
debt was incurred, by the curious account lying on the table,
upon it to be peculiarly incumbent on the noble lord, cheer-
as we were in 176 9 , without any account.—He next attacked
fully to go into an enquiry, which, he presumed, would turn
Lord North on his denying he was minister when he brought
Out so much to his lordship's honour. He perceived that the
down a like message, eight years ago, and obtained the object
charge of ambassadors was a very heavy one; besides, envoys
•
of his errand. This he treated as the most shameful and
and. ministers were sent to every petty state. He knew the dis-
barefaced evasion. He declared the sentiments of that admi-
agreeable predicament a minister, willing to make a reform,.
ninistration, of which, from his post of chancellor of the ex-
would stand in, were he to attempt it on his own strength. It
chequer, he formed a part ; he stood therefore doubly bound,
would be prodigiously irksome to be obliged to say to a secre-
both as an individual, and a member of the cabinet. In the
tary of state, who has so few appointments in his gift, " I must
next place, as he was the bearer of the message, he stood
strike oft' such and such envoys who are in your department,
pledged as the messenger, or the representative of the sove-
the state of the civil list requires it, Etc." While, on the
reign. The message was to demand a certain sum of money
contrary, if a parliamentary enquiry was set on foot, and ar-
to pay the King's debts; the condition that accompanied it,
rangements made to take place in consequence of such en-
though not contained in the message, was, that no applications
quiry, in order to reduce the expenditure, the blame would be
of a like nature should be made hereafter. Who was to im-
shifted from the minister, and the superfluous branches of the
part them to the House? The bearer of the message, and no
civil list might be pruned, or totally lopped off, without giv-
other. But, allowing that the noble lord was neither bound,
ing any direct offence to those who might, on the mere
as a member of the cabinet, an individual, or as a messenger
personal interference of the minister, look upon themselves
representing his sovereign, he stood nevertheless in a mixt
pointed at, and ill treated.
official mid ministerial situation, from which it was impossible
for him to recede; he came to parliament, as the mini§ter of
The House then divided on Lord John Cavendish's motion :
the House of Commons, and chancellor of the exchequer.
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
7,
7 8
ARREARS OF THE CIVIL LIST.
[April 16.
1777*J
Tellers.
618,0001. was written off in a single line, in twenty, or in five
Tellers.
hundred, when the several sums came totally unaccompanied
171;A
Mr.T.Townshend
s
Mr. C. TONVII Sh end 1
Mr. Byng
/14.—NoEs
Mr. Robinson
S 281.
next drew a comparison between the present
hers? He
So it passed in the negative. The House then resolved
roue
Iministration, and that of the late Duke of Newcastle;
itself
into a committee of supply, and came to the following resole,
tions : " That the sum of 618,3401.
lia(nd so pushed it back to the commencement of the late
91. 6id. be granted to
reign, which he contended was the most glorious this na-
his majesty, to discharge the arrears and debts due and owing
rration ever beheld. It was a reign of principle throughout;
upon the civil list, on the 5 th of January. 2. " That for the
better support of his majesty's household, and of the honour and
the sovereign was honest, steady, and sincere. His ministers
dignity of the crown, there be granted to his majesty, during
sought his personal satisfaction and domestic quiet; and.
his life, out of the aggregate fund, the clear yearly sum of 100,0001.
maintained the honour and dignity of the nation. Even the
to commence from the 5th day of Jannary 1777, over and above
different parties who caballed for power, were open in their
the yearly sum of 800,000l. granted by an Act made in the i4
rofessions, faithful to the doctrines they professed, and to
year of his majesty's reign." On the loth, as soon as Sir Charles
p
the persons with whom they associated. What was now the
Whitworth appeared at the bar, in order to present the above
case? Corruption and patronage had overspread the land.
resolutions, Mr. Dempster rose and opposed the bringing up of
The King's name was frequently prostituted by his ministers,
the report. This occasioned another debate. The gentlemen of
to purposes which he was certain the sovereign was too good
the minority insisted, that the accounts which -had been laid before
the House carried the fullest conviction, that they were fabricated
a man, and too great a King, ever to have sanctioned, if he
to perplex, not to inform ; that the facts, which under their title
had previously discovered the concealed but plausible motives
they were bound to disclose, could not bear the light; and that
whence they originated. Ministers disdained to pursue such
a great and royal revenue was squandered in so shameful a manner,
appearances. Majorities were found to support the worst
and applied to such pernicious purposes, that the ministers dared
measures with as much alacrity as the best. The influence
not to avow its disposal, nor venture to commit so dangerous a
of the crown derived additional strength from its power over-
knowledge to the public. They were unaccompanied by any
the treasury, and majorities were now called upon to make
voucher, by any collateral, or explanatory observation that could
good the very rapine and plunder they had long since shared;
give them even that colour of authenticity, which was fitting for
and to create a find in future for the same purposes. To
their appearance before parliament, or to render them worthy
of its attention. On the other side, the ministers, and
finish the comparison, and bring the two reigns into a com-
official
members, attributed the defectiveness imputed to the accounts,
plete counterview, all principle, as well in politics, as morals,
to the conduct of their predecessors in office, who had carried
had been, since the commencement of the present reign, en-
away, from their respective departments, those papers and do-
tirely exploded. That very formidable phalanx which now
cuments, which would have been necessary to afford that unusual
lines the Treasury-bench, have thrown aside their opinion s
degree of specification and accuracy, which was now demanded.
the day they accepted of their appointments. Corruption
They said, that the treasury had done every thing in their power
sweeps every thing before it. Its power or influence, or what-
to remedy that cl=_ficiency ; they had spared no pains, by examining,
ever else it may be called, is almost irresistible. It is now
and comparing the warrants with the books, to give every satis- 14'
faction in their power to parliament.
got to its zenith. Sir Robert Walpole, it was said, was the
father of corruption; the present minister is his equal, if not
Mr. Fox said, there was a very material difference between
in abilities, at least in his art of managing parliaments. He
producing vouchers for each article, or even small sums paid
has improved on the founder of this corrupt system ; he has
to petty tradesmen, and not producing a single authority or
carried it to an infinitely greater extent. But then, he has
document which was sufficient to satisfy the House, that the
had the address to lose half the empire, as one of the first
.gross sums charmed were faithfully expended under the heads
ha
h ppy consequences of his experimental improvements !
in which they were charged ; and he defied Lord North, with.
all his wit and ingenuity, to shew by any true criterion of
The first resolution was agreed to. On the second, the House-
distinction, the least shadow of difference between an account
d
ded:
ivided
Tellers.
thus unvouched, and no account at all. He begged the atten-
Lord J. Cavendish
Joe.
tion of the House to this single illustration of the subject of
Y {Lord Lisburne
EAS'
Mr. Fox
Sir G. Cooper 1 3
debate; what substantial difference did it make, whether the
So it was resolved in the affirmative.
80
DIRMINGHAM PLAY-HOUSE DILL.
ADMISSION OP STRANGERS INTO THE GALLERY.
81
[April 29,
1777.
ading of the bill, and sending it to a committee, when the
leue sense of the inhabitants might probably be collected.
BIRMI.NOHAIVI PLAY-HOUSE BILL.
tr
thing could be decided, one way or the other, he
If any
thought the probability was, that the majority of the inha-
April 29.
bitants were irr favour of the -bill, from the open and continued
N consequence of a petition presented to the House by
encouragement they had given to theatrical entertainments
Mr.
jI Yates, leave was given to bring in a bill for enabling His Ma-
for such a number of years back. In his opinion, dramatic
esty to licence a play-house in the town of Birmingham. The
eXhibitions had their use every where, and ()hen drew the
bill was accordingly brought in and read a first time. On the
attention of the common people, and prevented them from
motion for the second reading, Sir William I3agot opposed it,
their time and money in employments of a much
wastin a
because he disliked licensed theatres in manufacturing towns.
''dangerous and pernicious nature. In. general, they
By way of proving the fatal tendency of establishing theatres in.
discriminately in any kingdom, Sir William adverted to the time
tended
ed to civilize and polish the manners of nations; and so
far were the institutions of theatres from being the fore-
of the Romans, when he declared the giving theatres was the
runners of slavery, or the badges of despotism, that they were
cause of the decline of the state. He said, that to acid to
the dissipation of the people was always the maxim adopted by
most encouraged, and flourished best, in free states. He
those who meant to enslave them, and that the common means-
ridiculed what had fallen from Sir William relative to the
of fixing slavery on any people was by giving theatres. He bid
Romans medals. He said, he had much rather see such
the House recollect the ancient medals, on the reverse of which
medals now struck, than political medals; for there could
was a theatre, with the words Ludi instituti. These were melan-
be no disgrace in shewing by the words Ludi instituti, that
choly instances of the truth of what he had asserted, as it appeared
our manners were polished; but there might be sonic in
from the words round the edges of such medals, that the Romans
having medals with the inscription De Britannis Colonis,
were also obliged to establish granaries of corn, and to give the
which would tend to throw a ridicule on our late glorious
people bread at the same time ; this latter, he feared, would be
the next step with Birmingham, if the House gave them a theatre.
campaign in America !
Here Sir William introduced an apostrophe on the subject of the
Roman medals, appealing to the House how much more glorious
The bill was also supported by Mr. Dempster, Mr. Burke, Mr.
it wag to cast medals on any conquest, and how much
Wilkes, and Mr. Harris. It was then read a second time. On the
better the
inscriptions of De Germanis, or De Britannis appeared, than that
motion, that it be committed, the House divided :
of Ludi instituti. Mr. James Luttrell also opposed the bill. He
Tellers.
Bagot1
spoke warmly against Mr. Yates, the petitioner ; he said the peti-
YEAS Mr. Fox
Es I Sir William
1 8
NT
u9*
tion was impudence, and the application ingratitude ; and there-
° 1
Mr. Dempster S
Sir Henry Go
ugh
fore, if discretionary powers ought to be given to any man, Mr.
So it passed in the negative.
Yates was the last person Birmingham could approve of, or that
the!House could with decency listen to.
Mr. Fox objected to the asperity of the terms used by the
honourable gentleman who spoke last, as improper for the
place, the subject, and the person to whom they were applied.
ADMISSION OE STRANGERS INTO THE GALLERY OF THE HOUSE.
He had always retained a grateful sense of the entertainment
he had received from actors of Mr. Yates's acknowledged
April 3o.
merit; and he could perceive nothing in his conduct, on the
present occasion, to justify such epithets. If the party to whom
R. TEMPLE LUTTRELL moved, That the orders made
M
they were applied, had been in a higher rank, it would, to
upon the xSt of November last, " That the serjeant at arms
attending this House do, from time to time, take into his custody
say no worse, have been extremely indecent to have so treated
any stranger or strangers that he shall see, or be informed of to
him; and it must be very unpleasant and mortifying to any
b e, in the House or gallery, while the House, or any committee
man. He therefore thought it extremely wrong, and could
of the whole House, is sitting ; and that no person so taken into
not be a silent auditor of such severities against a person who
Custody be discharged out of custody, without the special order
had only exercised that right which every other mangy had of
of the House ;" Also, " That no member of this House do pre.
applying to parliament. He declared himself for the second,
some to bring anv stranger or strangers into the House or gallery,"
VOL. I.
MOTION FOR AN ADDITION TO
[May 9•
THE INCOME Or THE ROYAL BROTHERS.
83
1777.]
might be read. And the same being read accordingly, he next
energy, and described with affecting sympathy, the causes which
moved, " That the said orders be taken into consideration in a
committee of the
led to this motion, and the particular circumstances of situation
whole House." The motion was supported by
which rendered such an address necessary ; circumstances which
Mr. Wilkes, Mr. Thomas Townshend, and Mr. Fox ; and opposta
were unfortunately so conspicuous, as to be publicly known in
by Lord North, Mr. Rigby, and Sir William Meredith.
of Europe ; and which he represented as not less affect,
every part ti
le national character and honour, than the royal dignity..
T.•.
Mr. Fox expressed his hearty approbation of the motion,
ing
r‘e
on was supported by Sir EdwardAstley, Gove'rno'r
Gove'rno'rJohn.
and was glad the honourable gentleman who introduced it,
stone, Mr. Wilkes, and Mr. Fox,,..
had not urged an absolute discharge of the uniform and ne-
cessary orders of the House, established for good government
Mr. Fox said, he thought the motion was right, proper,
and decorum. He wished the House would decline to enforce
blright, that those who were so nearly allied
and seasonable ;
those orders with such reprehensible rigour ; and was sure,
to the crown should have part of the public munificence,
that if a committee were to take them under candid consi-
intended to promote every thing which might add to its splen-
deration, some method might be devised fully to answer the
dour and dignity ; proper, because no persons were more
end proposed. He dwelt on the expediency of letting in
competent to j udge of the disposal of money, than those who
young men of parts and education, that they might cultivate
granted it ; and seasonable, because no time could be better
and improve their understanding, and become early habituated
to urge the crown on such a subject, than when the sense of
to the conduct of state affairs, and to political argumentation.
its own necessities, and the generous conduct of parliament,
might promise to make a favourable and grateful impression.
The House divided :
He dwelt on the increased price of provisions, and the com-
Tellers.
Tellers.
parative value of money now, and during even the last reign ;
s Mr. T. Luttrell}
a RAS
{Mr. G. Onslow 83.
and observed, that though this argument was much relied on.
/ Mr. Fox
i6.
NOES
Mr. Robinson
in support of the augmentation of the civil list revenue, it
So it passed in the negative.
applied much stronger ill the present case, because the in-
creased value of the necessaries and conveniences of life, had
a much stronger comparative operation ; he believed, in the
proportion of full three to one, on an income almost totally
expended in those uses, than on a revenue, the greater part
of which was issued in round sums, with which neither the
MOTION FOR AN ADDITION TO THE INCOMES OF THE ROYAL
splendour, dignity, nor immediate expellees of the crown
BRC'I'HERS.
were at all concerned : this he instanced in the several heads
of salaries, pensions, secret service money, ambassadors, Ste.
May 9.
He then stated several general reasons in support of the
motion, such as the increase of salary to the judges, the over-
Q M JAMES LOWTHER moved, " That an humble address
be presented to his majesty, to express the just sense this
plus between the real expenditure for the last eight years, and
House entertains of his majesty's regard for the lasting welfare
the necessity there was to enable the royal dukes to support
and happiness of his people ; and, as this I-louse cannot omit any
their high rank, both as peers of the first order, and as being
opportunity of sheaving their zeal and regard for his majesty's
so nearly allied to the throne. He said, it had been always
honour, and the prosperity of his family, humbly to beseech his
the policy of this country, to make a suitable provision for
majesty, that, in consideration of the high rank and dignity of
the different branches of the royal. family ; it rendered then/
their royal highnesses the Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland,
he would be graciously pleased to make some addition to their
independent of ministers ; and bound them by interest and
annual income, out of the revenues cheerfully granted his majesty
sentiment to preserve that constitution under which they
for the expellees of the civil government, and better supporting
enjoyed such pre-eminent and solid advantages. On the
the honour and dignity of the crown ; and to assure his majesty,
other hand, a royal family, in narrow and dependent cir-
that this House will enable his majesty effectually to perform the
cumstances, were compelled to look up to the throne for pro-
same, as nothing will more conduce to the strengthening of his
tection and support; and from the very nature of their
majesty's government, than honourably supporting the dignity of
situation, were liable to become the instruments of the crown
the different- branches of the royal fl.tmily." Sit James stated with
forging chains for their country. This, he was Certvtin,
4
G
4
84 MR. SPEAKER NORTON'S SPEECH TO THE - KING. [May 9•
1777.] MR. SPEAKER NORTON'S SPEECH TO THE KING.
8s
was at present entirely out of the case; the King was as averse
fallen from Mr. Rigby. Previous, however, to his taking; any
had
to employing them in effecting purposes so far from his heart,
notice of the censure that right honourable gentleman
particular
as they would be to comply with them, had he entertained,
had passed on his conduct as Speaker of that House, he begged
sentiments of a different kind. He .concluded, by observing,
his speech to his majesty at the bar of the House of Lords,
that
Wednesday last, might be first read by the clerk ; and the same
that there were many public and private reasons for wishing
on
to see every branch of the royal family happy and easy in
being read accordingly # , he then appealed to the journals for the
cote of thanks, which followed on his return, to shew, that the
their domestic circumstances.
sentiments which he expressed to his majesty, when he presented
the bill for the better support of his majesty's household, were the
The motion was opposed by Sir J. G. Griffin, Sir George How.
sentiments of the House, and not his own particular sentiments,
ard, and Mr. Rigby, upon the ground of propriety, and the pre-
ass had been asserted by the last-mentioned right honourable gen-
vious -question immediately moved. The difficulty, as well as
tleman. While the Speaker was yet on his legs, up rose Mr.
impropriety, of discussing a question of so nice and delicate a
Rigby, who adhering to what had fallen from him in the former
complexion, were principally insisted on. It would be breaking
debate, spoke of the chair in tennis very nearly bordering on dis-
in upon the domestic affairs of the royal family ; and venturing to
respect. He insisted that he had a right to animadvert on the
inquire into matters of so tender a nature, as the conduct observed,
Speaker's speech, or on his conduct, within or without that House,
and the transactions that passed in private life, between the sove-.
if he thought it improper. He was certain the speech now read.
reign and his brothers. The previous question was then put, and
did not convey his sentiments, whatever it might those of the 281.
the House divided. The Noes went forth :
who voted for the augmentation of the King's civil list. He said
Tellers.
Tellers.
I
he had a right to appeal to the chair, and from the chair, and
Sir J. Lowther
would never be intimidated, or led by any inducement, to forfeit
YEAS
, {Sir J. G. Griffin
L Capt. Johnaone I .4_5. — OES Si r
Sz G. Howard
152
the privileges of a British senator. The Speaker was no more than
So it passed in the negative.
another member, and he was as free to differ from the chair as
from any other individual in that House. He proceeded to great
heat, which seemed to make the Treasury-bench uneasy.
Mr. Fox replied to the right honourable gentleman, and
observed, that he had brought the matter to a direct decision;
MR. Fox's
that was, lie had rendered it necessary for the Speaker to seek
MOTION RESPECTING MR. SPEAKER NORTON'S
SPEECH TO THE KING, ON PRESENTING THE BILL FOIL
THE BETTER SUPPORT OF HIS MAJESTY'S HousEnoLD.
The following is a copy of the speech as published by the Speaker
" Most gracious Sovereign,
May 9.
" The bill, which it is now my duty to present to your majesty, is
I
intituled, An Act for the better support of his Majesty's Household, and
N the course of the preceding debate on the incomes of the
of the honour and dignity of the crown of Great Britain :' to which your
I royal brothers, Mr. Rigby turned with vehemence towards the
Commons humbly beg your royal assent.
Chair, and arraigned the conduct of the Speaker with great acri-
" 13y this bill, Sir, and the respectful circumstances which preceded and
mony. He said, that although our burthens were heavy, and our
accompanied it, your Commons have given the fullest and clearest proof
expences immense, our situation had been grossly misrepresented
of their zeal and affection for your majesty. For, in a time of public
in a place, and in the presence of those, where nothing but truth
distress, full of difficulty and danger, their constituents labouring under
burthens almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful Commons postponed
should be heard : that the sentiments declared at the bar of the
all other business ; and, with as much dispatch as the nature of their pro,.
other House, to be those of this, were never so much as thought of
eeedings would admit, have not only granted to your majesty a large
here ; that the Commons of this kingdom knew better ; that, for.
present supply, but also a very great additional revenue ;—great, beyond
one, he totally disclaimed them; he was certain that a very
example; great, beyond your majesty's highest expenee.4
great majority of that House did so too. He trusted, that before
" But all this, Sir, they have done, in a well-grounded confidence, that
the House rose, it would be proved whether the House thought
you will apply wisely, what they have granted liberall y ; and feeling, what
with the chair, or with him, whose sentiments, he said, were di-
every good subject must feel with the greatest satisfaction, that under the
direction of your majesty's wisdom, the affluence and grandeur of the
rectly contrary to those delivered in the name of that House at
sovereign will reflect dignity and honour upon his people."
the bar of the House of Lords, on Wednesday last. As soon as
the division was over, the Speaker rose in his place, and begged
z2Szez.1 members who took notes of this speech, wrote wants, instead
of ,,,
leave to draw the attention and recollection of the House, to n''hat
0 3
86 MR. SPEAKER NORTON'S SPEECH TO THE KING. [May 9,
MR. SPEAKER NORTON'S SPEECH TO THE KING. 87
1
1777.
the sense of the House, as the charge was open and direct.
c
But as probably he spoke without notes, and
The Speaker had either misrepresented the sense of the
dropped a word or expression without any intention,
might Dave
House, or he had not; as an individual, he had disclaimed
i eslnlieadabtlieiar
d p
that
motion might be withdrawn, and the affair be
in
the sentiments of the Speaker, as far as the same respected
ated ; for though the Speaker might imagine he was
the sentiments of the House, from hurry and inad-
himself; and had plainly hinted that it was the opinion of a
delivering the
possible, he might not even have delivered his
oss
majority present : it was coining to the point at once, and
Hwas p said, he understood that great pains had been
bringing the
Sp eaker
, matter to a fair issue. For his part, he sus_
m
tv,i
o. without doors to represent
the
his speech as not conveying
pected the Speaker did not deliver the sentiments of the
taken
ouse.
For his part, if he erred, he did not err in-
majority, though it was plain he did the sense of the House;
lvtleenn
rits e
seelticorYfi it
he
e ni nally ; he meant to convey the opinion of the House, and
because he was immediately thanked on his return, nem. con.
looked upon himself fully justified both in point of fact and pre-
as appeared by the journals. The question, then, which
cedent. If he misrepresented what lie meant faithfully to convey,
remained to be decided, was, whether the Speaker had done
he trusted the House would excuse him. He knew such addresses
his duty. The truth, he believed, was, that the court thought
to the throne had been frequent ; he was sure they were proper.
he had exceeded it, by their so highly disapproving
Be said, he thought it incumbent on him to let his majesty know
of
what was the sense of the House ; and, in so doing, imagined he
the speech. He was resolved, however, to take the sense
was acting in the faithful discharge of the trust committed to him
of the House by motion, which, if negatived, in his opinion,
if the House thought otherwise, he could not, nor would not,
the Speaker could sit no longer in that chair with reputation
remain in that chair. Mr. Dunning said, the dignity of the House
to himself; or be further serviceable in his station, after having
was gone, if the chair was permitted to be degraded. It was plain
been publicly deserted, bullied, and disgraced. He then
the blow was ultimately aimed at the House through the chair ;
made the following motion :—" That the Speaker of this
and that the present was an experiment, made purely with a view
House, in his speech to his majesty, at the bar of the House
to see to what a pitch of humiliation and disgrace the House would
bear to he humbled and let down. It was, in filet, an attempt of
of Peers, on Wednesday last, and which was desired nenthie
a court faction, to render the representatives of the people despi-
jcontradicente, by this House, to be printed, did express with
cable, as well as detestable, in the eyes of their constituents.
ust and proper energy, the zeal of this House, for the sup-
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow entered into a kind of dissection
port of the honour and dignity of the crown, in circumstances
of the speech. He insisted, that it neither contained the senti-
of great public charge."
ments of the House, nor 'was it strictly supported by fact ; for,
the large present supply, &c. great beyond his majesty's highest
The Speaker assured the House, that he meant to deliver nothing
wants, &c." did not exceed 14,0001. which was represented in
but their sentiments. He thought he was justified in what he said,
the speech to be " a very great additional revenue." The great
considering the time, the occasion, and the various current cir-
stress laid on the overplus might have been better spared, as it
cumstances which combined to stamp what he offered with peculiar
would have been extremely mean, when they were voting. the
propriety. Conceiving, therefore, that he had discharged his
augmentation, to withhold the difference between the expenditure
duty, and that the same had been afterwards publicly approved
and the grant. He contended, that the Speaker spoke his own
of, he could not think of remaining in a situation where he could
sentiments, not those of the House. He recommended, that
be no longer serviceable ; which must be certainly the case, if the
tale
might
micr 0
ht go no farther, but that the motion might be with-
d
present motion should be rejected. Mr. De Grey did not approve
of the word wants, in the speech. He said, such an expression
was disrespectful to the sovereign ; and, in his opinion, the whole
Mr. Fox spoke in justification of his motion. He said,
speech conveyed a very improper idea to foreign powers in particular, lir
the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Ellis) had given, what
who, presuming on its contents, might be tempted to disturb the
he should call the watch-word ; which had been followed by
public tranquillity. The Speaker replied, that be thought he did not
the attorney general. He observed, that those gentlemen had
make use of the word wants, as it could mean nothing. As to what
founded their argument for withdrawing the motion chiefly
effect his speech might have in foreign courts, or any other poli-
on the speech not being the sentiments of the House ; whereas
tical consequence which might arise from it, he never considered.
He wished to express the sense of the House; he imagined lie had
the contrary was the fact, and the journals gave evidence of
done so ; and he could never think of sitting longer in that chair, •
it. But, however, if those gentlemen and their friends thought
than while he was in the exercise of his duty. Mr. Welbore Ellis
differently, as the framer of the motion, he was ready to come
said, he presumed the Speaker delivered his own sentiments with
to issue on that point with them, and doubted not but he
great candour and sincerity ; and in so doing, he acted a very
should prevail. He was satisfied that the House wonld never
G 4
88
THE BUDGET.
THE BUDGET.
39
[May 14.
1777.1
consent to their own degradation and disgrace in the person
onvinced all men of common sense, let the present campaign
of their Speaker, nor would submit to contradict on a Friday,
c over so prosperous in point of victory or negociation, that no
what they had approved on the 'Wednesday immediately pre.
be
n, r even so mu ch
revenue ow, nor hereafter, was to be
ceding. Among the many censures, and more numerous
dra`wasp
expted, from America. The idea
scouted by his
s
insinuations, thrown out against the speech, it was said not
ec's warmest friends; yet the noble lord, to amuse the
to be grammar. He should not enter into nice grammatical
glo.rdship gentlemen, talked of relief from that quarter. 0 ur
country gentlemen
distinctions, or trouble himself or the House about a choice
were to be shifted on the shoulders of our Americ an
of words, or elegancies of expression ; but he was sure, if the
brethren. He doubted much whether the noble lord had
Speech was not grammar, it abounded in good sense, which
ever any such serious expectation. Ile might have an imme-
was of infinitely greater value, and conveyed the true, un-
diate interest in affecting to think so ; but whatever might be
biassed sense of the House, and of every man on either side,
his motives then, he was certain the noble lord would not
till he was bought over to a sacrifice of his principles and con-
roundly assert, that he seriously expected America would
science.
ever afford any other revenue to Great Britain but what might
be derived from her trade in amity, even in the event of a
Mr. Rigby still adhered to his former opinion, and justified
successful war, or an amicable negociation. He appealed. to
his conduct on his right to deliver his sentiments freely on every
his lordship, if the tea-tax was not the cause of the present
subject arising in that House, or out of it, if it was a matter
war? Was it consistent with common sense, that America,
properly cognizable there; but he disclaimed the least intention
with a powerful fleet and arm y, would enter into a ncgo cia-
of making any personal reflection on the chair; and moved " that
the House do now adjourn." This motion was opposed by Go-
tion to pay a tax which they had spent so much blood and
vernor Johnstone, Sir George Savile, Mr. Sawbridge, and Sir
treasure to resist? It was preposterous to hold out such ideas
George Tonge. Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn wished the
to a society of grown persons. }Es lordship must surely by
affair might be suffered to pass off without taking the sense of the
this time have learned, that even that House began to be
House upon it. Upon which, Mr. Rigby said, if it was the sense
tired ; the sensible men, the noble lord's own friends, are
of the House, he was ready to consent that the motion of adjourn-
grown sick of war, and the expellee attending it. Con-
ment should be withdrawn. He had no intention of driving the
tractors and placemen, and their dependents, only wished
Speaker from the chair ; nor, if he were ever so desirous so to do,
for its continuance. If they are ashamed to take the task
was he of power or consequence enough to effect it. He main-
upon themselves, the Lords may do it for them. They will
tained the right of private opinion, and freedom of speech ; he
meant no more from the beginning ; and,
liays. been the means of repealing the plate-tax, why not dis-
as a member of that
House, in so doing, he presumed, he had not exceeded his duty.
pose of that on tea in the same manner ? He endeavoured
The motion of adjournment was then withdrawn, and the question
to prove, that the nation would be a loser of above ten per
being put on Mr. Fox's motion, it was carried without a division,
cent. upon the loan, which was J1.111 half a million : and that,
almost unanimously. As soon as the motion was carried, Mr.
considering all circumstances, it was the most scandalous bar-
Serjeant Adair moved, " that the thanks of this House be re-
gain that ever was made for the public. He was certain, he
turned to Mr. Speaker, for his said speech to his majesty," which
said, that a shilling would never be got from America; for,
was likewise agreed to.
• after the repeated successes which he had often heard dwelt
'upon in that House, our troops had gained in America, and
the cry in consequence of those successes, that America was
conquered, and all was over; what was the case? On the very
first action in which America had the advantage, and de-
feated the Hessians in their post at Trenton, the American
THE 13 I'DGET.
array increased immediately ; our 'army was obliged to give
May
way ; nor had we force to protect or avail ourselves of the
1 4.
advantages we had gained, so as to be able to keep our ground.
LORD ,-NORTH having opened the Budget,
From this single circumstance, he had a right to infer two
things; that our force was not equal to conquest, and that it
Mr. Fox rose and observed, that the great object of the war
was impossible we could expect to bring America over by
was a revenue to be drawn from America. Experience had now
fair means, while we continued to insist on taxing her. He
9C I
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS.
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS.
[ May 21.
9E
1777.]
W: IS very severe on the inhuman conduct of the Hessians, in
make an enquiry how this dark transaction had been con-
pl underina the innocent natives, and abusing the aged and
and by whose influence, those who were the principal
1pless. Our own troops were almost as culpable, with this
iived,
actors and agents in it, were encouraged both at home and in
di fference, that the English spent the spoil, and the foreign
He said it was evident the nabob of Arcot wanted to
ba xbarians hoarded it. He could venture to inform the
be master of the East India Company's affairs; and this he
House, that America had raised a very formidable force
could not effect, without removing a governor sent out ex-
a g
ainst the next campaign, with little or no difficulty, while
pressly to controul his power. Lord Pigot was the only go-
tr army would be considerably weaker than it was at the
in any part of his majesty's dominions who had gone
vernor
opening of the last. He had frequently heard the paper
out without the approbation of the minister, therefore he must
aney of the colonies depreciated by the noble lord ; but he
be removed, therefore the agent of the nabob must be counte-
doubted, notwithstanding the painted outside held forth this
nanced here, and a resolution to recall him be contrived for
da y, whether it would not be found security equally substan_
the purpose. For his part, he saw it was impossible for the
tia I with any one fund the noble lord could devise.
muscles of the human face to be kept composed, while such
an absurd resolution was read: he never had met with any
one man, of any party whatever, who approved it. He had
heard, ever since he knew any thing of public affairs, that
Tanjore was a rich country, that all the other parts of India
had been plucked till they could hear no more, but Tanjore
E. tsT INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS. —DEPOSITION
still remained to be fleeced, and would afford fine pickings for
AND IM-
PRISONMENT OF LORD PIGOT.
the nabob of the Carnatic and his party in England and in
Asia. He saw a chain of connection established long since
May 2 I.
between the nabob and administration, which was now made
public by the arrival of the nabob's ambassador, who had not
T HE House being in a committee of the whole House, on the
yet declared himself in form, but had been perfectly well re-
affairs of the East India Company, Governor Johnstone
ceived. He justified Lord Pigot principally upon the justifi-
moved several resolutions, upon which, if carried, he intended to
cation and representation of his enemies and persecutors ; upon
found a bill for the better securing our settlements in the East
the accounts transmitted home by Mr. Stratton, and the other
Indies. The resolutions went to a strong approbation of Lord
counsellors, who stood in the same predicament. He con-
Pigot's conduct, as governor of Madras; to a confirmation of those
late acts of the Company, which had been either passed in his
tended, that this was evidence not to be controverted, or ex-
favour, or in condemnation of the conduct of the faction at Madras;
plained away. It was a record against the parties, the truth
and to annul the resolution for his recall. The motion was strongly
and authenticity of which they could not now dare to appeal
oppos ed by the friends of administration, though most of the prin-
from. • He said, the effect of this evidence throughout, led to
Ito
cipals were upon this occasion absent. On the other side, Mr.
the most certain self-conviction. He passed the highest enco-
Rous, Mr. T. Townshend, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Burke, were on this
miums on the virtues and military talents of Lord Pigot; and
day particularly distinguished.
was so very able, pointed, convincing, and severe, that several
of the members, in a transport of approbation, forgot them-
Mr.. Fox opened with a remark as to the objection of bring-
selves so far, as to testify it in accents of Bravo Hear him !-
ing on the business at that time of the year ; lie desired gen-
which they accompanied with a clapping of hands [a conduct
tlemen to remember that it was in the month of May they
unprecedented.] He observed, that there was a remarkable
voted away the liberties of America, that it was in the month 111
deficiency of members in the House, which sheaved the opinion
of May they voted the Quebec establishment so contrary to
Our
that men in office had of the business. One learned gentle-
Constitution; and he thought no time so proper as the
man, the attorney general, was ill; the next in the law (lid
present for the business before them. When a noble lord
not choose to be present, to risk the defence of such a pro-
(Pigot) had suffered a violence unknown' under any legal go-
ceeding as that now condemned; he supposed he too was ill.
vernment in the world ; had been thrown from his seat of
A noble lord (George Germain), who was upon every occa-
office, arrested, imprisoned, and his life threatened by the mi-
sion so anxious to discountenance rebellion in the west, might
litary power, trampling upon the civil, it was necessary to
have been supposed an equal enemy to it in the cast,—but lie
9 2
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
93
[Nov. 18.
1777.3
also was absent. Many, however, as were absent from this
lied with to rofessio n of beithng watchful for an opportunity
on of' the bl ood of his subj cts
-
dirty business, there were enough, he feared, present, to insure
stop a p t he effusi
0 putt'
a s
lb"
its success.
oval or continuance of the former hope, that the deluded and
t ude would return to their allegiance, upon a
The question being put at one o'clock in the morning, the coin.
leetion of the blessings .of their former government, and. a. compa-
mittee divided : Yeas .67: Noes
r n with the miseries of their present situation; and a declaration,
90. A motion was then made, that
hat the restoration of peace, order, and confidence to his Ameri-
the chairman do now leave the chair, which was agreed to without
t
colonies, would be considered by his majesty as the greatest
a division. So that the resolutions were lost.
Ccii.s1 1 11-11Pc'ouli multit
of his life, and the greatest glory of his reign. An ad -
141i
s
dress in perfect unison with the speech having been moved by
Lord Hyde, and seconded by Sir Gilbert Elliot, the Marquis of
Granby moved the following amendment : " To assure his ma-
that this House does most humbly advise and supplicate his
jesty-,
majesty to be pleased to cause the most speedy and effectual mea-
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING
sures to be taken for restoring peace in America; and that no time
Or THE
may be lost, in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities
SESSION.
there: in order to the opening of a treaty for the final settlement of
the tranquillity of those invaluable provinces, by a removal of the
November 18.
unhappy causes of this ruinous civil war, and by a just and ade-
quate security against the return of the like calamities in times to
THE session opened on the 18th of November. The speech
conic: and this House desires to offer the most dutiful assurances
from the throne expressed great satisfaction, in having re-
to his majesty, that they will, in due time, cheerfully co-operate
course to the wisdom and support of parliament in this conjunc-
with the magnanimity and tender goodness of his majesty, for the
ture, when the continuance of the rebellion in America demanded
preservation of his people, by such explicit and most solemn de-
their most serious attention. The powers with which parliament.
clarations and provisions of fundamental and irrevocable laws, as
had entrusted the crown for the suppression of the revolt, were
may be judged necessary for ascertaining and fixing for ever, the
declared to have been faithfUlly exerted ; and a just confidence
respective rights of Great Britain and her colonies." The amend-
was expressed, that the courage and conduct of the officers, with
the•
ment was seconded by Lord John Cavendish, and was warmly
spirit and intrepidity of the forces, would he attended with im-
portant success: but under a persuasion that both Houses would
supported in general by the Opposition.
see the necessity of preparing for such further operations, as the
Mr. Fox asserted, that the idea of conquering America was
contingencies of the war, and the obstinacy of the rebels, might
render expedient, his majesty was, for that purpose, pursuing the
absurd ; and that such an event was, in the nature of things,
proper measures for keeping the land forces complete to their pre-
absolutely impossible. He proved his assertion from the
sent establishment ; and if' he should have occasion to increase
situation of the country, the disposition of the people, and the
them, by contracting any new engagements, a reliance was placed
distance from Great Britain. He said, • that though the re-
on their zeal and public spirit to enable him to make them good.
sources of this empire might be such as to enable us to carry
Although repeated assurances were received of the pacific dispo-
on the war for several campaigns more, there was a funda-
sition of foreign powers, yet as the armaments in the ports of
mental error in the proceedings, which would for ever prevent
France and Spain were continued, it was thought advisable to
make a considerable augmentation to our naval force ; it being
our generals front actin :,°. with success : that no man of coin-
equally determined not to disturb the peace of Europe on the one
nion sense would have placed the two armies in such a position
hand, and to be a faithful guardian of the honour of the crown on
as from their distance made it utterly impossible that one
the other. The Commons were informed, that the various services
should receive any assistance from the other. That the war
which had been mentioned, would unavoidably require large sup-
carried on by General Burgoyne, was a war of posts : that the
plies ; and a profession was made, that nothing could relieve the
taking of one did not subdue the country, but that it would be
royal mind from the concern which it felt for the heave charge
necessary to conquer it inch by inch : that his army was not
they must bring on the people, but a conviction of their being ne-
equal to the task, for the numerous skirmishes with the enemy,
cessary for the welfare and essential interests of these kingdoms.
and the natural difficulties of the country, would so retard his
The speech concluded with a resolution of steadily pursuing the
motions, that the campaign must be ended before the object
measures in which they were engaged, for the re-establishment of
that constitutional subordination which his majesty was; deter-
of it was fulfilled; and that if he was happy enough to join
mined to maintain through the several parts of his dominions; ac,
.Sir William Howe, it must be with nothing more than the shat-
94
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
9;
[Nov. /8,
r 1 ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
I 77
tered remains of an army mouldered away, which might have
that it would detach many of them from the Con-
been of some service to the cause, if by the blunders of the
ur hands;
c
ss, and by dividing them, facilitate a conquest; that he
1.e
ministry they had not been sent where it was impossible they
not wish to see them reduced to unconditional sub-
°could
could act, unless under the greatest disadvantages ; such as
which it was not more unjust to require, than hn
mission;
must be obvious to a man of the meanest abilities, and
possible to force them to. He concluded by giving his hearty
which
could escape no one but the inauspicious minister for Ameri-
co-
nsent to the amendment.
can affairs.—He was severe on Lord George Germain : he
declared that ever since the day that nobleman forced himself
The House. divided on the amendment :
into administration, our affairs began rapidly-to decline. That
Tellers.
Tellers.
it was the measures which he dictated to the ministry, that
1Mr. C. Townshendl
f Mr. Fox } 86.-- NOES Mr. Robinson
243.
drove the Americans to a declaration of independence; and
YEAS Mr. Byng
that as he was the cause of the continuance of the war, so he
So it passed in the negative. After which the original address
ought not only to be removed from the management of our
was agreed to.
officers, but be made to know, that a minister was accountable
to the nation for the orders he gave, and the measures he ad-
vised. He expressed the greatest horror at arming the Indians,
and letting them loose, not only against the troops of America,
but also against the defenceless women and children, whose
bodies even death could not rescue from the insults and bar-
barity of the savages. He said, he wondered how a. prince so
MR. Fox's MOTION FOR AN ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OP
famed for his humanity, benevolence, and sanctity of manners,
THE NATION.
as his present majesty was, could abet or suffer such mis-
creants to remain in his camp, when it was well known that
December 2.
brutality, murder, and destruction, were ever inseparable from
IN pursuance of the notice he had given,
Indian warriors. He took a cursory view of the operations of the
several campaigns ; shewcd how little we had gained, and of
course how little we might expect to gain ; and expressed his
Mr. Fox rose to move the House, that on a future day they
hearty wishes that we were now in as good a state, as when the
should form themselves into a committee of the whole House,
noble lord found us, in iris. He asserted that France was
to consider of the state of the nation. He thought it ne-
the directress of our motions; that we went no farther than
cessary, he said, to explain the meaning and extent of the
she thought proper to permit us; and that the fate of the
several motions he meant to propose, which he would do in
American contest depended on her councils; that if she de-
is very few words. He meant, then, that the committee should
clared war, the immediate consequence must be an evacuation
consider the expellees that the nation had incurred in con-
of America; our troops and ships must be called home to de-
sequence of the American war, and the resources that we
fend ourselves, and America of course become free. He re-
possess to raise the supplies necessary for its continuance.
probated all the proceedings : and asked for what purpose
In the second place, the loss of men from that war. Thirdly,
hostilities were commenced ? If it was to maintain the naviga-
the situation of trade, both with regard to America and the
tion act, why were so many French bottoms employed in the
foreign markets. Fourthly, the present situation of the war,
river? If it was to raise a revenue, he observed, that the mi-
and the hopes that we might rightly entertain from its con-
nistry took a very curious step to effect their purpose, by
tinuance, and the conduct and measures of the present ad-
plunging the nation into a new debt of fifteen millions. If
ministration, of a lasting peace, and also our present situation
they intended to secure the commerce of America by arms,
in regard to foreign powers. And fifthly, to consider what
they bad most happily hit upon a plan, that not only deprived
progress Sir -William and Lord Howe had made in con-
s, -
us of the benefit of it, but had thrown it all into the hands of
sequence of the powers intrusted to them as commissioners,
our enemies. He said, if terms were offered to the Americans
by an act of the 16th of his present majesty's reign, for
before it was too late, they might perhaps accept them : that
granting pardons, &c. for the purpose of bringing about a
at least it would be doing no more than jtIstiee Squired A
peace between Great Britain and the colonies, Under these
9 6
ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OP THE NATION. [Dee.
ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
97
r777'
general heads, many other enquiries would arise, and it woul
be the business of the committee to follow every path
d
of the ships of war and armed vessels, appointed as
that
count
promised to lead to a thorough investigation and
to the trade of this kingdom and Ireland, since the
disc
convoy's
overy
of the real state of the nation. If; continued he, it appears
the 166 of his present majesty, the American
passin„
that the nation is in a bad
prohibition Act ; distinguishing the names and force of the
state, and that the late and presen
measures of a
t
dministration have reduced us to an
ships appointed, and the particular dates and services upon
extremity,
which he was afraid they certainly Lad, a new system must
which they were so appointed as convoys; together with the
be introduced, and a new set of ministers appointed ; but
notices given to the traders of which they sailed respectively.
if;
on the contrary, the nation should be found in a flourishing
state, and the present measures likely to prove successful, the
5 . An Account of his majesty's ships of war which have
present system should be, by all means, continued, and the
been employed-, since the passing of the said Act, as cruizers
present ministers remain in power; for none, he was assured,
for the protection of the trade of this kingdom and of Ireland,
but the present ministers, could prosecute the present system.
the stations of such ships, and how long ordered to continue
He concluded with moving, " That this House will, upon
thereon, with the times of their going to sea, and returning
into port. 6. Copies of the last general monthly return of
Monday, the 2(1 of February next, resolve itself into a com-
mittee of the whole House, to consider of the state of the
the forces in Great Britain. 7. Copies of the last general
nation."
monthly return of the forces in Ireland. 8. Copies of the
last general monthly returns of his majesty's forces, as well
lord North said he cheerfully
foreign as British, in North America and the West Indies." —
agreed to the motion, and would
All these motions were agreed to. He next moved for " Copies
do all in his power to promote the great end he had in view,
Nothing would give him more true delight, than to convince the
of all such papers as relate to any steps taken for the fulfilling
House that the state of the nation was much more flourishing than
of that clause of an Act, passed in the 16th year of his pre-
many of the opposite side actually did, or affected to believe. At
sent majesty, intituled, ' An Act to prohibit all trade and
the same time he wished to he understood, that his ready com-
4 intercourse with the colonies of New Hampshire, Massa-
pliance with the motion should not preclude him from objecting
to Papers
chuset's Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New
being laid before the House that might prove incon-
Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware,
venient, or hurtful to the country. The motion was
a.nd the
agreed to:
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
House was ordered to be called over on the 2d of
February.
Georgia, during the continuance of the present rebellion
within the said colonies respectively; for repealing an Act,
Mr. Fox rose again, and moved,
made in the 1 4th year of the reign of his present majesty,
46 That there be laid
before this House ; i. An Account of all the men lost and
to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading or ship-
'. b
disabled in his majesty's
ping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and
land service (including marines
serving on shore, and all foreign troops in British pay) by
within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massa-
death, desertion, captivity, wounds, or sickness, in any pro-
chuset's Bay; and also two Acts, made in the last session
vince of North America, since the 1st of November, 1774;
of parliament, for restraining the trade and commerce of
distinguishing each year, corps, and service.
the colonies in the said Acts respectively mentioned ; and.
2. A List of the
different ships and vessels of war, and hired armed vessels,
to enable any person or persons, appointed and authorized
whieh have been employed in his majesty's service in North
by his majesty to grant pardons, to issue proclamations
America, since the 1st of November 177
in the -cases, and for the purposes, therein mentioned;' by
4 ; together with the
number of men lost or rendered unserviceable in each ship
which, persons, appointed and authorized by his majesty,
or vessel respectively, by death, desertion,
are empowered, under certain conditions, ' to declare any
captivity, wounds,
or sickness; distinguishing each head. 3. General Returns of
colony or province, colonies or provinces, or any county,
the hospitals in North America, made up from the 1st of
town, port, district, or place, in any colony or province,
November 1774, to the 1st of October 1777; together with
to be at the peace of his majesty ;' and also that his
the state of them, according to the last returns; distinguish-
majesty would be pleased to direct, that a return of such
Mg the numbers of men of all d
colony or province, colonies or provinces, county, town, port,
enominations which have died
or recovered during the a
district, or place, in any colony or province, as has or have
bove-mentioned period, 4. All AQ-
VOL. I.
9 8
ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Dec. 2.
ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
99
I 7 7
been declared to be at the King's peace, pursuant to the
re the same reason would hold good till then, against art
powers of the said Act, be laid before this House."
cr intothe effect
reasons why it hod en
rnotd
succeede
As yet,
o
god e
had
n
e i
ce
from grant
rant ing the
This last motion was opposed strongly by Lord North, upon the
ed°l
except the income of ool. a-week to each of
ground, that the producing and exposing of any papers relating to
t.
t:1311
com se
missioners. The noble lord said, he had mentioned
a negociation during its existence, would be a proceeding not only
contrary to all established forms and practice, but totally
h t those instructions had been moved for before, and re-
subver-
sive of the business in hand, and probably attended with the
f
ilejtil:stevidtilsifbithe reason now advanced: it was not right to dis-
greatest prejudice to the cause in general. He declared him.
close them at that time.Is that, then, never to be granted,
self ready and willing to grant every reasonable information in
which has been once refused ? Is the glorious right of being
his power ; but he also declared, that he neither could nor would
ignorant of public affilirs never to be given up ? Are we to
consent to make discoveries, which would not be less inconsistent
jell our constituents, we are not fit to be trusted with the
with all sound wisdom and true policy, than prejudicial to govern.
knowledge of public transactions, —that they are only to be
meat, and contrary to the real interests of this country. Mr.
communicated to the House of Lords? I may be told, said.
Burke complimented the minister's candour and generosity
he, we are contending for a very trifling matter, and that
agreeing to the first motion ; but compared his subsequent con,-
when all the steps taken towards a pacification are laid before
duct to that of a man who executes a bond, but inserts a defea-i
us, they will amount to nothing : their effect will, of course,
zance with a power of revocation, retracting every grant lie had`,
made. This conduct reminded him of the situation of Sancho
be nothing. Yet, I contend, that those two nothings will
Panza in the government of Barataria; a table plentifully pro-
amount to something. You know, Mr. Speaker, that in your
vided, was placed before him, but on various pretences every dish
profession there is a form of returning a writ nihil ; yet, Sir,
was removed, and the unfortunate governor obliged to dispense
von well know, that a return of two nihils amounts to a scire
with his dinner. Mr. Dunning contended in favour of the demand;
facias, which is a powerful something. Now, the something
and Mr. Attorney General Thurlow was answering his arguments,
that would be produced by the two nihils which may be re-
when intelligence was circulated in a whisper, that the very papers
turned to us upon the present enquiry, will be a conviction
in question had been just granted in the other House, on the
to the nation, as well as to this House, of the incapacity or
motion of the Duke of Richmond. The Attorney General was
for a moment disconcerted, but declared, whatever might be the
absolute disinclination in administration to put an end to the
conduct of ministers, he, as a member of parliament, never would
distractions with which this empire is torn; and enable us to
give his vote for making public the circumstances of a negocia-
apply an effectual remedy to those disorders, before the folly,
tion during its progress. Lord North, somewhat irritated at a
madness, or wickedness of ministers shall have brought us to
triumphant laugh which prevailed among the members of opposi-
a state of irretrievable ruin. By showing us the causes why
tion, said, that whatever effect the anecdote might have on the
past negotiations have failed, it will point out a mode of pro-
House, he should adhere to his former opinion. It was disorderly
ceeding, which may be free from those difficulties that have
to mention the decisions of the Lords in order to influence the
caused our past miscarriages. Convinced, perhaps, of the
determination of the Commons; who, as an independent body,
inefficacy of violent remedies, we may learn, though late, to
should not change their sentiments on a mere unauthenticated
report. Colonel Barre bantered the minister on the unusual cir-
prescribe lenitives. For the two years that a certain noble
cumstance of losing his temper.
lord (George Germain) has presided over American affairs,
the most violent, scalping, tomahawk measures have been
Mr. Fox observed, that the only argument which had been
pursued — bleeding has been his only prescription. If a
offered against his motion, was now overturned by the vote
people deprived of their ancient rights are grown tumultuous,—
of the Lords, namely, the danger of betraying secrets. These
bleed them ! If they are attacked with a spirit of insurrec-
secrets were to be laid open by the resolution of the Upper
ti on, — bleed them ! If their fever should rise into rebellion, —
House: it was, therefore, no longer an argument to be re
bleed them, cries this state physician ! more blood! more blood !
futed. He would riot recede from the liberal extent of the.
still more blood ! When Dr. Sangrado had persevered in a
motion. The instructions to our commissioners, which the
Similar practice of bleeding his patients, —killing by the very
noble lord wanted to conceal, were a principal object to him.
means which he adopted as a cure, ,— his man took the liberty
He was told of a pending negotiation ; it had already been
to remonstrate upon the necessity of relaxing in a practice to
pending for two years, and if it were to continue for twenty
Which thousands of their patients had fallen sacrifices, and
Which was beginning to bring their names into disrepute.
Ii 2
I00
ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Dee.%
1778.] EXCLUSION OF STRANGERS FROM THE GALLERY.
I 01
The Doctor answered, " I believe we have, indeed, carried
the matter a little too far, but you must know I have written
E.KcLus i oN OF STRANGERS FROM THE GALLERY OF THE
a book upon the efficacy of this practice; therefore, thouoil
HOUSE.
every patient we have should die by it, we must continue the
bleeding for the credit of my book." — He asked the noble
January 29. 1778.
lord, who had often held Mr. 'Washington and his army very
cheap, what idea lie entertained of their courage and abilities
PI. John Luttrell complained, that in a certain morning
since he read the accounts arrived that very day ?— He said,
COLON
paper, which he held in his hand, but which he did not name,
a few days ago he dropped a suspicion of some division in
he bad been grossly misrepresented, and charged with having, on
administration, conceived from the circumstance of reading
a late occasion, behaved unparliamentarily, and that for so doing
the King's Speech at the house of a certain noble lord on
lie had received the censure of the House. He insisted a good
deal on the calumny of such a charge, made many severe stric-
the day before it was delivered in parliament. The premier
then contradicted him, and talked largely of their unanimity;
tures on the conduct of the editor of the paper in thus aggravating
and mis-stating facts, and thereby rendering him infamous in the
but, now, his words were verified, from the different sen-
eves of the public. He considered such conduct as too heinous to
timents of ministers in the Upper and Lower House : and
be forgiven, and therefore he informed the House, that, for his
hence he was warranted, lie thought, in drawing this con-
future safety and protection, he was determined to move, that
clusion, — that he, whose sentiments seemed most reasonable,
th Standing Order of the House for excluding Strangers from
was the most inconsistent in his conduct. The noble lord
thê. Gallery, should be strictly enforced. Upon this,
at the head of the treasury always professed a disposition for
peace; yet would not give any proofs that he had taken a
Mr. Fox took occasion to observe, that he was convinced
single step towards obtaining it : but the minister in another
the true and only method of preventing misrepresentation
House had ever declared, that it was his opinion nothing
was by throwing open the gallery, and making the debates
ought to be clone by us towards a pacification; he, there-
and decisions of the House as public as possible. There was
fore, spewed no objection to produce papers, which, in tes-
less danger of misrepresentation in a full company than in a
timony of his consistency, would skew that nothing had been
thin one, as there would be a greater number of persons to
done. — The honourable gentleman concluded with a sug-
give evidence against the misrepresentation. The shutting
gestion to those members who talked_ sometimes of being
of the gallery could not prevent the proceedings of the House
independent in their principles, though they constantly sup-
from finding their way to public view; fbr during a certain
ported administration; — telling them, if they did not on
period, when the gallery was kept empty, the debates were
this occasion stand up for the dignity of the House, they
printed, let the manner of obtaining them be what it might;
could never after wipe away the imputation of being mere
and n fact, the public had a right to know what passed in
puppets of the minister, without one principle of reason,
liiament
parliament .
pride, or honour.
Mr. Burke was of Mr. Fox's opinion. He said he had not a
The House divided on Mr. Fox's motion:
doubt about the propriety of opening the doors to strangers ;
Tellers.
considefing it either as the channel of information to the con-
Tellers.
Mr. Fox
Mr. Rice
stituents of the members, or as a school for the instruction of
YEAS
} 89.
NOES
Lord J. Cavendish
Youth. Nay, as the source of information and amusement to the
L
G. Cooper
So it passed in the negative.
ladies, it was a matter of very serious concern, and ought not to
be done away and sported with at pleasure. Colonel Luttrell
owned, that the arguments of Mr. Burke had staggered his
former and he was now convinced, it would be odious
to carry the order to its rigour. He therefore should not press
ot sr motion.
h
IO2
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Feb. 2.
T77 8
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION".
0.3
177v.-)
social he should not have answered the great expectations
had brought them down to the House, stated time
MR. FOX'S MOTION, IN A COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF mt
vibich
NATION, cc
motion he was about to make, and the grounds of it, in the
NO MORE OF THE OLD CORPS BE 2,
St.
OUT or
following, but much more correct, elegant, and energetic,
THE KINGDOM."
manner
February z.
is my intention to enter this day only into the minor
part of the business, which I hope will undergo the considera-
THE order of the day being read, for the House to
tion of this committee; — a committee, Sir, appointed for the
resolve
itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider of
important purpose of considering the present alarming State
the State of the Nation ; the several estimates, papers, and accounts
of the Nation. I must, however, beg not to be considered
which had been moved for, were referred to the said Committee.
as the mover in this momentous concern; it is the nation
The House then went into the Committee, Mr. Pulteney in the
chair. Upon which,
that calls for this enquiry, and I ant only one instrument in
the bringing it about. What I have to beg of the House,
Mr. Fox rose, and after an apology for the trouble he was
is not to mix this day's business with any thing that has passed
going to give the Committee, and noticing his own personal
before, but to go plainly and directly to the business, to con-
good fortune in having his audience reduced*, being per-
sider what is the actual state of the country, and how Great
Britain can be saved from the critical situation in which she
now stands. And in considering the subject, I would wish
* " This day, a vast multitude assembled in the lobby and environs of
gentlemen would agree with me at least so far, as to divest
the House of Commons, but not being able to gain admission either by
themselves of all former opinions, of all favoitrite ideas, and
intreaty or interest, they forced their way into the gallery in spite of the
door-keepers. The House considered the intrusion in a heinous light,
of all prejudices which may have been contracted in the
and a motion was directly made for clearing the gallery. A partial clear-
course of past debates, and take them up anew as they are
ing only took place; the gentlemen were obliged to withdraw; the ladies,
the result of the present enquiry, and the fair deductions
through complaisance, were suffered to remain : but Governor Johnstone
from the information now conveyed to the House. I would
observing, that if the motive for clearing the House was a supposed pro-
priety, to keep the state of the nation concealed from our enemies, he
wish gentlemen to forget their animosities, and consider them-
saw no reason to indulge the ladies so far as to make them acquainted
selves neither as friends nor enemies to America, nor that
with the arcana of the state, as he did not think them more capable of
country either with love or%hatred, but regard it with a calm
keeping secrets than the men ; upon which, they were likewise ordered
and dispassionate mind, as a part, and a very considerable
to leave the House. The Duchess of Devonshire, Lady Norton, and
nearly sixty other ladies were obliged to obey the mandate." London
part, of the British empire.
Chronicle.
Sir; the method I have chalked out to myself; as the most
likely way to bring men to a right understanding of the
" When a member in his place takes notice to the Speaker of strangers
being in the House or gallery, it is the Speaker's duty immediately to order
present state of the nation, and to point out what conduct
the Serjeaut to execute the orders of the House, and to clear the House
it is our interest in future to pursue, is to state facts as they
of all but members; and this, without permitting any debate or question
appear from the papers on the table; first, with respect to
to be moved upon the execution of the order. It very seldom happens
the Army, that in the years 1 774, 775, 1776, and I 777,
that this can be done without a violent struggle from some quarter of the
House, that strangers may remain. Members often move for the order
there was such an army, consisting of so many thousand
to be read, endeavour to explain it, and debate upon it, and the House as
men, and that such and such operations were performed ;
often runs into great heats upon this subject; but in a short time the con-
fusion subsides, and the dispute ends by clearing the House; for if any one
member insists upon it, the Speaker must enforce the order, and the House
must he cleared.
were compelled to submit. Since that time, ladies, many of the highest
rank, have made several powerful efforts to be again admitted. But Mr.
" The most remarkable instance of this, that has occurred in my me-
mory, was et
Cornwall and Mr. Addington, have as constantly declined to permit them
a time, when the whole gallery and the seats under the front
gallery, were filled with ladies; Captain Johnstone of the navy (commonly.
to come in. Indeed, was this privilege allowed to any one individual,
however high her rank, or respectable her character and manners, the
called Governor Johnstone) being angq, that the House was cleared of
all the " men strangers," amongst whom were some friends he had intro-
galleries must be soon opened to all women, who, from curiosity, amuse-
duced, insisted, that " all strangers" should withdraw. This produced
ment, or any other motive, Wish to hear the debates. And this to the
a
exclusion of many young men, and of merchants and others, whose com-
violent ferment for a long time; the ladies sheaving great reluctance to
comply with the order of the HouSe; so that, by their persderance, bu-
mercial interests render their attendance necessary to them, and of real,
siness was interrupted for nearly two hours. But, at length, they too
use and importance to the public." Hatsell's Precedents, vol. 4. p. 171.
H 4
104
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Feb.
COMMITTEE ON TEE STATE OF THE NATION.
105
2.
1778.]
I shall, secondly, state the impossibility of increasing that
gassachuset's ; now, whoever fights against ten men, and
army ; and, thirdly, the enormous expellee that has already
thinks he is contending only with one, will meet with more
been incurred. The resources in men and money thus fail-
difficulties than if he was aware of the force brought against
ing us, the conclusion naturally is, that there must be some
him: for I believe I may lay it down as an undoubted maxim
sort of negotiation, and in this part of the business I cannot
politics, that every attempt to crush an insurrection with
ill
too much lament, that my motion for papers relating to what
means inadequate to the end, foments instead of suppressing
has already passed on this subject was rejected. This would
. The case here was, you took a great object for a small
it
have enabled the House to judge of the impediments that
one, you took thirteen provinces for one ; and not onl y that,
have hitherto prevented such negotiations from taking place,
you imagined the other twelve were with you, when the very
and to provide some adequate remedy.
act you were -then doing, made those twelve equally hostile ;
After having stated these facts, and drawn this conclusion,
for another misfortune at this time was the taking a violent
au
which, I think, may fairly be deduced from them, I shall go
step against the town of Boston. If America was not before
retrospectively, and shew that the Ivar has been mismanaged,
sufficiently united in a determined resistance to the claims of
even on the principles of those who undertook it. It will be,
this country, this measure made all America combined; they
then, a proper time to look back, and see to what our want
were all from that moment united with the town of Boston,
of success has been owing, as I believe I may lay it down as
which might have been before the object of the jealousy of
an incontrovertible axiom, that, when a country falls, within
the rest. Another mistake was the altering the government of
the short space of a few years, from the highest pinnacle of
the province of Massachuset's Bay, whereas the acts of all
glory to which any country, either in ancient or modern
the other colonies, as well as this, plainly slimed it was not
times, ever arrived, there must have been some radical error
the form of government 'in that province which occasioned
in the government of it : though at the same time I will allow,
the commotions there, because other provinces, which de-
that if it should turn out that there is a radical error, it is not
pended more on the crown, and which have the appellation
of itself a proof of the criminality of ministers. I am inclined
of royal governments, were not less early or less vigorous in
to think, that there has been a radical error in carrying on
their opposition and resistance. Now, Sir, if the form of
the war at all, and likewise that there have been errors equally
this government was not itself the cause of the troubles in
great in the conduct of it.
that country, then the alarm given by the alteration of that
Sir ; I shall not now enter into any more of the proceedings
government was certainly a most capital mistake; because it
relative to America, than are necessary to shew the imme-
gave the whole continent reason to think, and to fear, that
diate steps which have brought us into our present situation.
they had no security in the permanency of their government,
Without discussing the various questions which have been for
but that it was liable to be altered or subverted at our plea-
many years agitated in parliament, I shall take up the mea-
sure, on any cause of complaint, whether real or supposed;
sures relative to America in the year 177 4, when the riots at
their natural jealousies were awakened ; by the same reason-
Boston first called for the attention of this House: papers
ing, the governments of the other colonies, though much more
were, indeed, called for and granted, but there were some
dependent on the crown, might be rendered entirely despotic,
things that tended that year to shut. the eyes of ministers to
and they were all from thence taught to consider the town of
the true state of that country, and the true interest of this,—
Boston as suffering in the common cause, and that they
which was to prevent, rather than stimulate and increase the
themselves might very soon stand in need of that assistance
general discontents in the colonies; every body must allow,
which they were now lending to that unfortunate town.
that the agreement with the East India Company was a most
But, Sir, there was another circumstance which tended to
unfortunate one, and the immediate source of all the troubles
mislead the House, and for which the ministers and not the
that have since followed ; every body knows what happened.
House were entirely to blame, and that was the partial man-
Here began a capital mistake of the ministry; they mistook a
ner in which they laid papers before the House; they laid the
single province for a whole continent ; they mistook the single
accounts of facts, but no opinions of people upon the spot as
province of Massachuset's Bay for the American -empire. .-
to the extent of the resistance, the temper of the people, or
•
Virginia, a colony. no less jealous of its rights, nor less warm
any other circumstance concerning it. Now, Sir, if men are
in its assertion of them, was entirely forgotten : it was not.
endued with passions, if they are not mere machines, the
thought possible that any other colony should unite With the, ..
knowledge of facts is nothing, unless it is accompanied with a
•
o6
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Feb.
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE Of THE NATION.
107
177
knowledge of the springs and motives from whence such
but equally- zealous and animated, equally determined to go
actions proceeded. Suppose, for instance, a person in a
11 lengths rather than submit. Now, Sir, the passing of
distant country had no other wa y of judging of the temper of
1That. Act at that time, had the same effect that, for instance,
this House, and of the motives of their conduct, but from
he repeal of the Test Act would have had in King William's,
our printed votes ; could such a man form any judgment of
ttime; for however great a friend I am to universal toleration,
the reasons why such a line of conduct was approved, and why
I should certainly have been against it at that period, because
such a one was rejected ? Sir, it would be ridiculous in the
extreme to suppose it. Now, Sir, I will venture to affirm,
it would have disobliged one party, more than it would have
served another; it would have joined a great body of Tories
that this House was not in the year 17 74 informed of the spirit
to the enemies of the Revolution, who were already sufficiently
of opposition there was in America, and of their prejudices
numerous. From the moment, Sir, this Quebec Act passed,
against taxation. If they had, I should hope they would have
there was only one party in America ; it stoPt the mouths of
thought it wise, if not just, to have applied such remedies as
the moderate pary, if any such were still left.
might have healed rather than irritated the distemper. But,
Another extraordinary idea, Sir, was at this time taken
instead of any thing of this sort, other bills were immediately
up, namely, that the coercive Acts passed in that session
passed, shewing that all was of a hostile nature, and that
would execute themselves. The only argument in favour of
nothing was to be expected from this country but coercion
the ministers on this head is, that they thought the army there
and punishment, particularly the Act, as it is called, for the
sufficiently strong to enforce the execution of these Acts.
more impartial Administration of Justice; I mean the Act
This is another instance in which the parliament confided
for sending over persons to be tried here in England. This
absolutely in ministers, as I allow must sometimes be the case;
gave the idea of a great and effective army, as a provision
it may not be fit on all occasions for parliament to know,
for the consequences of much bloodshed and slaughter. And,
while an important business is in execution, every step and
after all, what sort of an army was sent ? As that Act ex-
every particular; there must lie a certain degree of confidence
cited their terror as well as indignation at our injustice, so
reposed in ministers: that confidence was reposed here, and
the army that was sent excited their derision, without at all
ministers are therefore answerable if it should appear that
lessening their resentment. It taught them to contemn the
power of this country, as much as they abhorred its injustice.
they have abused it. Sir, in 1 7 75, ministers began to be
afraid, that more ill consequences might follow ; they then
But, as if all this was not sufficient to irritate and provoke,
found, for the first time, that the cause of Boston was the
the Quebec Act was passed, the contents of which every body
cause of America ; they therefore passed more laws, and sent
knows. The principal purpose of this Act was to form a
out a capital reinforcement, with three able generals. The
great interest in Canada, to be a perpetual check upon the
Americans, on the other hand, became still more united; the
southern provinces, and to keep them in awe; it was con-
name of a party was, however, yet kept up, and, notwith-
sidered in this light in America, and was held up by the
standing all the violent measures of this country, and the
violent party in that country, as a specimen of the form of
armies that were. sent out for the purpose of supporting the
government that might be introduced and established in every
friends of government, the Tories, as they were called, and
part of that continent. Hardly any man after this would say
punishing the Whigs, yet the Tories suffered more than the
a word in favour of the British legislature ; every remaining
Whigs, their friends more than their enemies.
friend to government, as he was called, that is, every man
But, as if all this was not enough to exasperate, and to
less violent than the most violent, had nothing to say in
prove they had no resource left but in self-defence, we
favour of the good intentions of the mother country. After
rejected, before the end of the session of 1775, the Petition
this Act passed, it put an unanswerable argument in the
from New-York,''' drawn up in the most affectionate and
mouths of all parties, that the intentions of Great Britain
respectful terms that could be, considering the state of the
were vindictive in the extreme. The makers of the Quebec
contest: this was the last effort of the moderate party, your
Act, whoever they were, thus became the friends to the vio-
lent party in America. If
Own friends, who were told, on the news going back to Ame-
they had not thus seasonably
rica, " You see what dependence is to be put in Great
interposed, there was a chance of America being divided, or
at least of there being different degrees of resistance in its
colonies. This made them all not only more firmly united,
See p.
1.0
o 8
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION. [Feb . 2.
M
8 ] COMITI
THE STATE
ON TH STATE OF THE NATION.
1.09
-
Britain : how will she treat us, when she has thus treated
coilltented
you get them all." But, Sir, least of all
yon ?" Sir, a few weeks before the arrival of the reinforce,
be
this have been objected by those who say the govern-
showit
ments, the civil war began. Then followed the battle of
ment have a great party in America; that the friends to
Bunker's-Hill. This ought at least to have been a lesson to
government are still numerous and powerftd there;
the ministry, that America was unanimous, and determined
tlese arguments militate against each other. If hide-.
B
fbli:itisii'
to put every thing at stake. Sir, there is one circumstance
pendence was a popular pretension in America, why should
I omitted to mention in its place, and that is the Conciliatory.
America have unnecessarily disclaimed it? Yes, but it is
Proposition of the noble lord (North)" ; I need not go into
said, it was meant to deceive America;—why, then, if it was
this now; it has been often considered, and without saying
necessary to deceive America, she did not mean independ-
any thing more about it at this time, I will only say, what
ence, otherwise it would have been deceiving her into the
every body must allow, that this House was left to judge of
belief of a thing which she did not approve. But, if Ame-
the quantum, which was one of the very principal objections
rica was averse to independence, was it not worth while to
urged by the Americans, that they did not know how far this
try pacific measures ?
claim of ours might extend; it was, in fact, not only asserting
Instead, however, Sir, of any thing of this sort, a change of
the right, but establishing it in practice. Now, Sir, I beg
administration at this time took place, which plainly shoved
leave to stop here for a moment, and ask this question, does
there was no chance left but in war; and now, for the first
any man seriously think it better to give up America alto-
time, Sir,—I allow it,—real, vigorous measures were adopted ;
gether, unless we can exercise the right of taxation in the
the whole force of this country was to be exerted; every nerve
uncontrouled and unlimited manner in which we claim it ?
was to be strained. The first event, however, of this cam-
Mr. Fox then ran over the various operations of our army
paign,—I mentioned it before,—was General Howe's being
in America, after the arrival of the troops from their being
driven out of Boston; and now, Sir, only to shew the versati-
cooped up in Boston, to their being obliged ultimately to
lity of some people, and, as an instance how ready the men
leave it. He then described the conduct of America. What,
who caused all these calamities are to adapt themselves to the
said he, was the language of America at this time ? They
unfortunate consequences of their own conduct, as soon as the
send a petition to this country, couched in the most respectful
news came over of General Howe's evacuating Boston, they
terms, disclaiming every idea of independence, which had
congratulated each other on the event, they were glad of it, it
been, in the course of the preceding session, objected to their
was a lucky step, though, by the bye, there is still the greatest
conduct, and desiring no concession that would be in the
reason to believe, it was matter of necessity, not of choice.
least dishonourable to the mother country, but supplicating
Fifty-five thousand men had been voted; Sir William Howe's
his majesty, that he would be pleased to point out some mode.
army was completely reinforced. Every body knows what
Flow was this petition received, and what was the answer ?
passed. He makes himself master of Long-Island ; he takes
All that was said, was, to this petition no answer will be
New York, 8Lc.- Here were two or three battles gained; here
given. But the ministry gave out, that the petition was all
was a sort of victory, though not an absolute extinction of the
a farce, for the Americans wanted independence. If this had
enemy's army. What followed? All promises of taking the
been really the case, which I in my conscience do not believe,
moment of victory for proposing terms of accommodation were
what occasion was there for saying so ? Why not have tried
forgot. But this was the moment in which the Americans
the experiment, and by this means have shewed to all the
declared themselves independent states. Did this look like a
world the unreasonableness of your enemies and your own
termination of the contest? If it did, there was a circumstance
moderation? Suppose, for instance, you had been treating
that passed in the latter end of the year 1776, from which you
with Lewis XIV. who, every body allows, aimed at universal
might, at last, have learnt that it was impossible -to reduce
monarchy ; suppose you had been treating with him about a
them by mere force. I mean the affair at Trenton. The
petty town in Flanders, would you have told him, 46 Ay, it
sudden manner in which this army was gathered together, the
is impossible to treat with you, you aim at universal monar-
success that attended it from the nature of the country,
chy, you never mean to give up this town, for you will not
plainly shewed it was impossible entirely to reduce them.
But, to shew the deafness of administration to every proof of
the true disposition of America, and to shew likewise the uni-
See p. 36.
form conduct of gentlemen on this side of the House, a mo-
110
COMMITTEE ON THE STATE 011 THE NATION. [Feb. t.
83 COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.
171
tion was made in the latter end of the year 1 776 fora revision
ove that there is the greatest reason to prepare for a foreign
.
pr
of the laws by which the Americans might think themselves
N v Sir if 34,000 men are necessary to be kept up in
war.
\\
5
aggrieved. To revise the Acts that had been passed was
r.,t)
Buie of peace, I think no gentleman can be of opinion, that
surely as gentle a word as could be made use of, and indeed
have less than that number at the present moment.
„.e should
was the expression made use of by the commissioners them-
gr. Fox then shewed from the papers on the table, that the
selves in a proclamation they issued in America. I need not
number of the troops now in Great Britain, including the
say, Sir, that this motion was, for• various reasons, but without
officers, non-effective, &c. did not exceed is,o00; in Ireland
one solid argument, rejected.
in Gibraltar and Minorca 5,000; so that there was
8,00o;
Sir ; as to the events of the last campaign, I shall touch
now an actual deficiency in the peace-establishment of 6,000
them very slightly. It is sufficient to say, that no decisive
men. I think, Sir, it appears from this that it would be mad-
stroke has been (riven. We have got possession of three towns
ness to part with any more of our army. As to the new levies,
instead of one, but of no more extent of country than is just
I do not now consider whether the levying them without the
within a small circuit round those towns. With regard to
approbation of parliament, be legal and constitutional ; that
General Burgoyne's expedition, I will only say,—that it failed.
will be to be considered another day; but I speak on a sup-
The expedition itself is of such a dye, that it deserves a sepa-
position of their being levied. And if they are, I should hope
rate consideration. It should be reserved to itself.
it is not intended that the safety of this country is to be left
Sir ; after having passed resolutions concerning the various
to thien le whole,
facts and events during the period I have been describing, the
Sir, it appears to me that if gentlemen are
the
On
House will naturally form an opinion concerning their future
not blind, they will see that the war is impracticable, and that
conduct, and I shall then ask, whether any man can imagine it
no good cab come from force only ; that the lives that have
possible to go on with an offensive war ? If it should appear,
been lost, and the treasures that have been wasted, have been
that our means are inadequate to the conquering them, and
wasted to no purpose ; that it is high time we should look to
that the having gone on so far has shaken the credit of the
our own situation, and not leave ourselves defenceless upon an
nation, more than it was shaken at the end of a six years' war
idea of strengthening the army in America, when, after all, it
with France, then it will be for the House to consider what is
will be less strong than it was last year,—a year which pro-
to be clone in the present moment. It seems to me that the
duced nothing decisive, nor in the least degree tending to com-
inference will be, that force alone is not sufficient, and that we
plete conquest.
must call in negotiation to its aid. But, Sir, this is a subse-
Mr. Fox concluded with moving, " That an humble Ad-
quent consideration. Another question likewise with regard
dress be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously
to the alliances of this country: if it shall appear that we are
pleased to give orders, that no more of the Old Corps be sent.
strong in alliances, then it is very true we may venture some-
out ofthe kingdom."
what further than we might otherwise venture. This is a very
proper thing to be considered.
To the great surprize of every body without doors, who had seen
Sir; I sat out with acquainting the House, that I meant to-
so full a House drawn down to attend the result of an enquiry of
day to begin with a very small part of the business; it is
so much expectation, no debate ensued, nor was the smallest reply
only
to draw an inference from the papers on the table, that in the
made to Mr. Fox's Speech. In this singular situation the question
was called for, and the Committee divided : For Mr. Fox's motion
present situation of things it will be very imprudent to send
165: Against it 259.
any more troops out of the kingdom. The peace establish-
ment of troops in Great Britain has been 1 7,00c. Now, Sir,
I do not mean by'what I say to approve of that establishment.
I think it too high ; but such it has been of late years; 17,000
for Great Britain; 12,000 for Ireland; 3,500 for Gibraltar,
and 2, 3 0o for Minorca. These make altogether 34,800.
This is the establishment in time of profound peace. But va-
rious reasons conspire to make us apprehensive of war ; the
conduct of France, the state of public credit, His Majesty's
Speech at the opening of the session, are alone sufficient to
I 12 STATE OF THE BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA. [Feb.
MOTION ON THE BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA.
I 1 3
-8.]
7
„ill at the same time have the candour to acquaint the House,
h treasure has been wasted, how many lives have
MR. Fox's MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE BRITISH FORCES
ewn much how many disgraces have been brought on the
IN AMERICA.
been , by this mad, . improvident, and destructive war, he
n atio n
Feb •uau
would most certainly j oin them ;—that 2 5 millions of money
I I.
already spent, or the faith of the nation has been
the expenditure ; and that
THE House went into a Committee on the State of the Nation.
20,000 lives have been
pledged for
Before the Speaker left the Chair, Lord North said, he should,
d:rvoeb,ceal\\lvaay to no manner of purpose; but, if at all practi-
on the 17th instant, propose to the House a Plan of Conciliation
able, to make conciliation infinitely more difficult than if the
c
with America. Mr. Pulteney having taken the Chair,
word had never been drawn, a shilling spent; nor a life lost.
s He gave the most ample testimony to the bravery and good
Mr. Fox rose, and stated a number of facts relative to the
conduct of the generals; and contended, that they bad mis-
British Army serving in America, which facts were founded
carried, not for want of skill in their profession, nor from neg-
on conclusions drawn from the information on the table. He
lect of duty, but merely because they were employed in a
observed, that there was such a number of effective men in
service, in which it was impossible for theih to succeed; for
America (6,864) in the year 177 4 ; that by comparing the re-
if ministers had shewn any trace of wisdom throughout their
inforcements sent out the next year, added to the forces then
whole conduct, it was in their choice of the officers they sent
on the spot, with the returns at the conclusion of that year, it
Pi
out, though they now basely insinuated, that it was only in the
would give the total deficiency, which under its several heads
choice of generals that they were deceived ; and that it was to
amounted to the total loss; so with the years 1776 and 1777:
their fault alone, that all our miscarriages in the prosecution
thus, by adding to the number of men serving in America the
of the measures could be justly imputed.
first year, the reinforcements and recruits of each successive
He said, he had been informed, that it was intended to send
year, and comparing the amount of those several totals with
Ma other gene rals, and on that ground that great expectations
the last returns, the difference between the latter and the
were formed from the next Campaign : but, for his part, he
former shewed exactly the loss of men slain in battle, or dead,
expected, that whoever should succeed to the present gentle-
or otherwise incapacitated for service, by wounds, captivity,
men in command, would just meet with the fate of their pre-
and sickness.
decessors; they would be. one day charged with indolence,
b
This, he observed, was the first part of his plan, to ascer-
inactivity, and want of spirit; with a designed procrastination
tain the loss of lives, and loss of service, under their respective
of the war, from motives of lucre and private interest
interest; and the
heads; the other part of it would be, to estimate the loss of
s
‘
next, v Iit
tioish
knight-errantry, and exceeding the in-
treasure, which he computed, at the lowest calculation, to he
antler
. which they were to act. He turned again to
full 25 millions spent, which, with 20,000 lives lost, that
the intended
l
:A .proposition of the noble lord in the blue ribbon,
being the difference, he said, between the troops serving
and assured his lordship, that if his plan was a fair, open one,
America at the commencement of the war, and the whole of
found d
hreartye
ees in justice and good policy, .and warranted by the
the embarkations, he appealed to the judgment of the commit-
p incipl
g.o°
of the constitution, he would venture to answer for
tee, whether it was not full time,—(considering that we had
his side of .1
c o t ie House, that it would meet with their most
gained nothing, or next to nothing, by this fatal contest
y, li-e, feared, it would not answer this
l
hitherto, but a powerful, numerous, and well-disciplined enemy,
description;
eseripti
)ecause he could hardly be persuaded, unless the
instead of an undisciplined rabble, to contend with,)—to think
idea of tyranny, cruelt qnd meanness were inse )arable, that
of the critical and alarming situation of public affairs? ViThe-
the sai eTurience.
who had rejected the most humble petitions and
ther our resources of men and money were equal to the diffi-
dutiful remonstrances with haughtiness and contempt, could
cult and hazardous task of conquest; or if that should appears
eVer c ,
olnin
sent jto hold
el.d out any plan which was meant to secure
on enquiry, to be totally impracticable, whether parliament
those rierlint"
ilist
rights
li
which they had all along attempted to annihilate
should not, and that immediately, devise some means for put'
by the ,
)7 e sword, thereby adding tyranny and cruelty to oppres-
sion
ting an end to our public calamities, and endeavour to avert
andon; '
II' then -. I his
c t ien lea( ns several Resolutions,
those imminent dangers with which we are threatened on every
which
whi
tiler_ was
to twelve in number; and which stated, that
side ? If ministers, while they hold out the plan of conciliation,
as such a number of troops in America in 1774, se
Vo L. J.
.1
I14
PROPOSITIONS FOR CONCILIATING AMERICA. [Feb. 17,
1778.] PROPOSITIONS FOR CONCILIATING AMERICA.
11S
-many sent in 1775, total of that year, and so 1
confederacy against the use of stamps would have
on with 1776
and 1777, which ought, on the whole, in the latter year, to
produce, while it increased the confusions of the
annihilated America already taxed, when he unfortunately
have amounted to 48,000 effective men ; that by the last re.
came into administration. The Act, enabling the East India Com-
turns, foreigners and British included, they did not amount
pally to send teas with the drawback of the whole duty, was a re-
to more than 28,o0o, consequently the loss was 20,00 0 men,
lief instead of an oppression ; but the disaffected, and those engaged
Whence he drew this conclusion, that if with such a number
in contraband trade, endeavoured to represent it as a monopoly.
of troops So little could be done, it was clear, that the carry.
Be never intended taxation in the last Tea Act, nor in the conci-
ing on the war, either lo terrify the Americans into obedience,
liatory proposition, but as a medium of union and concord ; his pre-
or to subdue them, was impracticable. His first Resolution
cent proposition would therefore be found consistent with his former
moved was, " That it appears to this Committee, that in the
conduct. One of the bills he designed to move would quiet Ame-
year 1 774, the whole of the land forces serving in North Ame-
rica on the subject of taxation, dispel all fears, real or pretended,
that parliament would attempt to tax them again, and annul the
rica did not amount to more than 6,864 effective men, officer
included."
right itself, so far as it regarded revenue, The Americans had de-
sired a repeal of all the Acts passed since 1763 : were this requisi-
tion granted in its full extent, several statutes, highly beneficial to
The motion was opposed by Lord Barrington the secretary at
war, Lord North, and Lord Nugent, and supported by Mr. George
themselves, granting bounties and premiums, or . relaxing former
grievous regulations, must be rescinded. The late Acts which oriu
Grenville, Mr. Burke, and Colonel Barre. Lord Nugent moved,
ginated in the quarrel should cease with it ; and commissioners
" That the Chairman report progress ; upon which the Committee
should be authorized to adjust, in a satisfactory manner, all other
divided : Yeas 263 : Noes 1 49. Mr. Fox's motion was conse-
quently lost.
disputes. The powers granted to former commissioners had been
considered more limited than in reality they were : he should take
care now to be explicit, granting full authority to discuss and con-
clude every point, treating with the Congress as if it were a legal
body, and would so fur give it authenticity as if its acts and con-
cessions would bind all America. They should be empowered to.
treat with provincial assemblies as at present constituted, and. with
individuals in their actual civil capacities, or military commands ;
LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITIONS FOR CONCILIATION WITH
with General Washington or any other officer : they might sus-
pend hostilities ; intermit the operation of laws ; grant pardons,
AMERICA.
immunities, and rewards; restore to colonies their ancient consti-
tutions ; and nominate governors, council, judges, and magistrates,
Februau 17.
till the King's further pleasure should be known. A renunciation
T
of independence would not be insisted on till the treaty had re-
HIS day Lord North submitted to the House a new plan of
conciliation with the American colonies. in introducing this
ceived final ratification by the King and parliament. The com-
missioners should be instructed to negotiate for a reasonable and
measure, he took occasion to state, that lie had been uniformly
moderate contribution towards the common defence of the empire,
disposed to peace. The coercive Acts appeared necessary when
they were proposed, but finding them unproductive of the intended
when re-united : but to obviate every pretence against terminating
effect, he essayed conciliatory measures, before the sword was un-
tins unhappy difference, the contribution should not be insisted on
sheathed. He then thought (nor was his opinion changed) those
as a sine pa non of the treaty. If such had always been his sen-
propositions capable of forming the happiest, most equitable, and
timents with regard to taxation and peace, why, it would be asked,
had he not made the proposition at a more early period ? His opinion
most lasting bond of union between Great Britain and her colo-
nies ; but by a variety of discussions, a plan originally clear and
had ever been that the moment of victory was the proper time for•
simple, was made to appear so obscure as to go damned to Ame-
offering terms, and at the beginning of the session he had declared
rica. Congress conceived, or took occasion to represent it as a
those sentiments ; he then thought the victories obtained by Sir
scheme for sowing divisions, and introducing a worse species of
NN. dliam Howe more decisive, and was unacquainted with General
taxation than had previously existed, and accordingly rejected it.
Burgoyne's misfortune. These terms were in substance the same
he would offer in the height of victory; lie saw no reason for pro-
He never expected to derive any considerable remenue from Ame-
rica; in his opinion they should contribute in a very low propor-
tracting the war, the effusion of blood, and the immoderate ex-
tion to the expences of the state. Few taxes would prove worth
pence, and therefore now offered the same propositions. The
the charge of collection; even the Stamp Act, the most judicious
events of war had not corresponded with his expectations ; but his
and most highly estimated, would not have produced
concessions were from reason and propriety, not necessity. Eng-
a considera-
1 2
I
I i6
PIWPOSITIOiiS FOR CONCILIATING AMERICA.
t;783 PROPOSITIONS FOR CONCILIATING AMERICA.
113
[Feb,17•
land was in a condition to prosecute the war much loner ; new
He wished that this concession had been made more early,
armies could easily he raised, the navy was never in greater strength,
,1n1 upon principles more respectful to parliament. To tell
1
and the revenue very little sunk. With these observations he sub.
then), that if they were deceived, they had deceived them-
mined the whole plan, together with the propriety of his past and
selves, was neither kind nor civil to an assembly, which, for so
present conduct, to the judgment of the House '*.—As soon as the
many years, had relied upon the noble lord with such unre-
minister had concluded,
servedconfidence; that all public bodies, like the House of
Commons, must give a large confidence to persons in office; and
Mr. Fox rose. He said, that he could not refuse his assent
to the propositions made by the noble lord; that he was very
their only method of preventing the abuse of that confidence
was to punish those who had misinformed them concerning
glad to find that they were, in the main, so ample and satis-
the true state of their affairs, or conducted them with negli-
factory, and that he believed they would be supported by all
those with whom he had the honour to act. That they did
gence, ignorance, or incapacity; that the noble lord's argu-
ments upon this subject might be all collected into one point,
not materially differ from those which had been made by an
his excuses all reduced into 011(1 apology,—his total ignorance.
honourable friend of his (Mr. Burke) about three years ago;
The noble lord hoped and was disappointed. He expected
that the very same arguments which had been used by the
great deal, and found little to answer his expectations. He
minority, and very nearly in the same words, were used by
a
thought America would have submitted to his laws, and they
the noble lord upon this occasion. He was glad to find, that
resisted them. He thought they would have submitted to his
the noble lord had wholly relinquished the right of taxation,
armies, and they were beaten by inferior numbers. He made
as this was a fundamental point; he was glad, also, that he
conciliatory propositions, and lie thought they would succeed,
had declared his intention of giving the commissioners power
but they were rejected. He appointed commissioners to make
to restore the charter of IVIassachuset's Bay; for, giving the
peace, and lie thought they had powers, but he found they
satisfaction which the noble lord proposed, it would be neces-
could not make peace, and nobody believed that the y had any
sary for parliament to give the same security, with regard to
powers. That he had said many such things as he ha.d thought
charters, which it had given with regard to taxation; that the
fit in his conciliatory proposition ; he thought it a proper
Americans were full as jealous of the rights of their assem-
mode of quieting the Americans upon the affair of taxation.
blies, as of taxation; and their chief objection to the latter was
If any gentleman would give himself the trouble of reading
its tendency to affect the former.
that proposition, he would find not one word of it correspond-
ent to the representation make of it by its framer. That the
" A
short account of it was, that the noble lord in that proposition
dull melancholy silence for some time succeeded to this speech. It
assured the colonies, that when parliament had taxed them al
had been heard with profound attention, but without a single mark of ap-
probation to any part, from any description of men, or any particular man
much as they thought proper, they would tax them no more.
in the House. Astonishment, dejection, and fear, overclouded the whole.
He would vote for the present proposition, because it was
assembly. Although the minister had declared, that the sentiments hg
much more clear and satisfactory; for necessity had forced the
expressed that day had been those which he always entertained, it is certain,
that few or none had understood him in that manlier ; and he bad been.
noble lord to speak plain.
represented to the nation at large, as the person in it the most tenacious of
But if the concession should be found ample enough, and
.
,
those parliamentary rights which he now proposed to resign, and the most
should be found to come too late, what punishment would be
remote from the submissions which lie now proposed to make. It was
sufficient for those who adjourned parliament, in order to
generally therefore concluded, that something more extraordinary and
alarming had happened than yet appeared, which was of force to pro-
make a proposition of concession, and then had neglected to
duce such an apparent change in measures, principles, and arguments. It
do it until France had concluded a treaty with the independ-
was thought by many at that time, that if the Opposition had then pressed
ent states of America? He said he could answer with cer-
him, and joined with the war party which had hitherto supported the
tainty fbr the truth of his information ; it was no light matter,
niinister, but which was now disgusted and mortified in the highest degree,
the bills would have been lost. But, in fact, they took such a hearty part
and came from no contemptible authority; he therefore.wished
with the minister, only endeavouring to make such alterations in, or addi-
that the ministry would give the House satisfaction on this
tions to, the bills, as might increase their eligibility, or extend their effect,
interesting point, Whether they knew any thing of this treaty,
that no appearance of party remained ; and some of his complaining friends
vexatiously,
and whether they had not been informed previously to the
congratulated him on his new allies. These new allies, how-
ever, though they supported his measures, chewed no mercy to hit conduct."
making of their proposition, of a treaty which would make
tlnaual Register.
I 3
8
TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND AMERICA. [March /6,
„8.1 TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND AMERICA.
119
1
7-
that proposition as useless to the peace, as it was humiliatht,
foreign war with the most powerful princes in Christendom
to the dignity of Great Britain.
must of course so tar transcend their .abilities, that the nation
must absolutely be undone if the administration of affairs was
At the close of the debate, Lord North moved, 1. " That leave
continue in their hands. Melancholy . as was the prospect
be given to bring in a Bill to enable His Majesty to appoint con,
to
hat a war afforded us, it would have this good effect; that it
missioners to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of qui
t
eting
would rouse the nation to a sense of the wrongs they had been
• the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies, plantations,
and provinces of North America.
made to suffer, by being made to feel at once all those cala-
2. That leave be given to bring
in a Bill for declaring the intentions of the parliament of Great
mities, for which the ministry had prepared them by degrees,
Britain, concerning the exercise of the right of imposing taxes
by their destructive measures, which, though they did not
within His Majesty's colonies, provinces, and plantations, in North
pitate the nation into a foreign war, had, by a slow pro-
America." Which were agreed to without a division.
preci
cess, inevitably brought it on. The House had been made to
act ft fool's part. Conciliatory bills had been passed, and
commissioners appointed to treat with the Americans, even
n•••n••••n•••n••••••n•n•n•nn11.1.m..•0".
after they had been acknowledged an independent state by
France. Ignorance of such a circumstance was unpardonable;
and the contempt which it served to bring on the House-
MR. GEORGE GRENVILLE'S MOTION RESPECTING A TREATY
called aloud for resentment. Ministers, he said, could never
BETWEEN FRANCE AND TIIE REVOLTED COLONIES IN NORTH
execute their duty to their country, nor counteract the schemes
AMERICA.
of her enemies, if they did not procure intelligence of the
tN
measures adopted for our annoyance. He asked the House,
March 16.
1
if a set of men ought to be any longer trusted with the reins
of government, who received the first positive assurance of a
R. George Grenville moved, " That an humble Address be
Y-& presented to His Majesty, to desire that be will he graciously
treaty concluded by France and America, from the French
pleased to order that there be laid before this House, copies of
ambassador ? Their supineness, folly, and ignorance, in that
communications from His Majesty's ambassador at the court of
one instance, sufficiently proved them to be unworthy of their
France, or the French ambassador at this court, touching any
employments. But to declare them only unworthy would not
treaty of alliance, confederacy, or commerce, entered into between
i
biegiditosi,ngairfficient justice to the people : the violators of whose
the court of France, and the revolted colonies in North America."
and the despoilers of whose property the parliament
Mr. Burke warmly seconded the motion. The present situation of •
was bound to punish : they should likewise be. made to account
our affairs he declared to be to the last degree desperate. The
for the injuries done their country: the only means of deter-
stocks, the political pulse of the nation, were so low, that they
negtfhree quantum of guilt, and where it particularly lay,
plainly demonstrated the weakness of the state; they were already
mining
sunk as much as in times of foreign war ; and afforded the most
could not be well ascertained without the papers in question :
gloomy prospect. Sunk as the nation was, robbed of her treasures,
ntitherefore wished strongly to support the motion.
injured in her honour, she had a right to take every step that could
lead her to a discovery of' the counsels, and of the persons who
Lord North moved the previous question, giving as a reason,
had given them, by which she had been reduced from the pinnacle
that the exposure of the papers demanded would be a most unpar-
of honour and power, to the lowest ebb of wretchedness and
donable and pernicious act of treachery to those, who, at the
disgrace.
greatest risk, had communicated secret intelligence to government.
?Nlr. Grenville offered to prevent an effect which he abhorred, by
Mr. Fox took a retrospect of the various measures which
inserting the words, " or extracts," after copies, in the motion ;
had been adopted by the present administration, and pointed
hut the minister insisted that no amendment could be received
out the causes to which their failure ought to be attributed.
after the previous question had been moved. This conduct was,
however, reprobated with so much indignation on the other side,
He insisted that the ignorance of the ministry was the source
and represented as an act of quibbling and chicane, so unworthy
of our misfortunes; and from their incapacity to conduct a
of, gridthuelfiattghalg
place, that the minister withdrew his mo-
war with the poor, pitiful provinces of America, as be.affect
being and the amendment was received. The previous question
to call them, he inferred, that the complicated Business Of.
e al
in moved, the
n
the House divided :
14
120
EXPEDITION PROM CANADA.
I21
EXPEDITION FROM CANADA.
EMarch xiT.
1778.]
Tellers.
only to one to go there ; and then blaming the 'execution,
Tellers.
.v
Grenville},
because the other, who did not know he was to go there, did
YEAS {Mr.
NT
Mr. Baker
ii.i.o.--...NOES Mr. C. Townshend/
{Sir Grey Cooper 5 231'
not meet him ; but who, on the contrary, had acquainted the
So it passed in the negative.
person with whom the orders lay, that he was going another
way. Upon these grounds, he insisted, that the whole dis-
concertion and failure of General Burgoyne's expedition was
owing either to the ignorance or negligence of the secretary
of state who had the direction of ; by which one of his
sty's armies had been cut off, and in consequence of it
maje
MR. Fox's MOTION RELATIVE TO THE FAILURE or Tirn
thirteen provinces bad been lost, to the utter ruin of this
EXPEDITION FROM CANADA.
country. He moved, that the committee should come to
three resolutions, which were in substance, that the plan of
March 19.
the expedition from Canada had been ill concerted ; that,
from the measures adopted, it was impossible it should suc-
THE House went into a committee on the State of the Nation,
ceed; and that the instructions sent to General Howe to co-
in which the subject of the recent expedition from Canada
operate with General Burgoyne had not been such as were
was taken up by Mr. Fox. The papers which he had moved for,
having been read,
necessary to insure success to the latter. After which, he
said, he should offer a fourth resolution of censure upon Lord
Mr. Fox rose. He stated the plan of the expedition as
George,,Germain.
wrong and impracticable; not being directed to any point, nor
This motion brought on the longest debate that had taken place
in any sense the right way. Though the minister of the
during the session. Mr. Fox was thought to have transcended his
American department (Lord George Germain) might say,
customary style of exertion ; and his friends by no means lost any
and he understood did say, that he took the idea and the plan
ground in their support. On the other side, the ground of impro-
from General Burgoyne; yet he would venture to affirm the
priety, in bringing in the business during the absence of those
contrary. The plan was not General Burgoyne's; it differed
generals, who, until the contrary was established, must be con-
from General Burgoyne's ; and wherever it did so, it blun-
sidered as principal parties in the charge, was again taken. That
dered. This expedition was not a plan of diversion in our
there had been a fault, and a great one, somewhere, was univer-
favour, but a diversion against ourselves, by separating that
sally allowed. A whole army had been lost. The nature and for-
force which ought to have been united to one point, that of
tune of the war thereby totally changed. A new, and most dan-
gerous foreign war was the immediate consequence ; the loss of
dispersing the rebel army; instead of which, it left General
America, and even more, might possibly be the final. The causes
Howe too weak, upon the plan the noble lord suggested to
that led to such a series of fatal consequences, they said, required
him ; and sent General Burgoyne, with a still lesser army,
undoubtedly the strictest investigation; and the fault, wherever
to a place where the enemy were much stronger. He said
it lay,,might demand even more than censure. But the gene-
this only fbr the sake of argument, to shew that the measure
ral acknowledgment of a fault or crime could by no means imply
was originally wrong in the design; and added, that he
the minister to be the guilty person ; nor could the enquiry be pro-
should move something on this point. But the matter upon
perly conducted, nor the charge fixed as justice directed, until all
which he, should make his present motion, was that part of
the parties were present, and all the evidence. The direct charges
made against the American minister by the Opposition, however,
the execution which belonged to the minister,not to the officers.
necessarily called forth some direct defence ; and no pains were
The principal, and indeed sole design, of sending General
omitted to shew- that the northern expedition was, in the first
Burgoyne from Canada, was that he might force his way to
place, a wise and necessary measure ; that it was capable of suc-
Albany, and make a junction with General Howe. This was
cess, and the design evidently practicable ; and that Lord George
a plan of co-operation, in the execution of which two parties
Germain had omitted nothing which could be done by an attentive
were concerned, but orders had been given only to one party;
minister to insure its success. They also endeavoured much to
the other party was left ignorant of the design: This ap-
controvert a point insisted on by the Opposition, that General
peared from the minister's letters. to the commanders, and
Burgoyne's orders were peremptory with respect to his advancing
from the commanders' letters to each other. It was like
Albany. They said, that however peremptory the letter of
intending
inaructions might appear, a discretionary latitude of conduct, to
two men to meet at one place, but giving orde•i
2 2
MOTION FOR AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. [April Ie.
MOTION FOR. AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
123
078.J
be regulated by circumstances and events, was always necessarily
to punish France for recognizing the independency of Ame-
implied and understood. The question being at length put, the
rica, America would join her, and we should have, in either
first resolution was rejected upon a division, by 164 to 44. The
case, two, if not three powers to combat with. It was pro-
event of this division was resented by Mr. Fox, with an unusual
bable, that the greatest part of Europe would join in the
degree of warmth, and an appearance of the highest indignation.
He not only declared that he would not propose another motion,
recognizance. Gratitude on the one hand, and obligation on
but, taking the resolution of censure out of his pocket, tore it in
the other, would unite them in one bond, , and we should
pieces, and immediately quitted the House. As soon as Mr. Fob
experience the joint efforts of all, if we attacked one. on
was gone, the Solicitor General moved, " That it does not appear
the contrary, the committee agreed to the motion, and thereby
to this Committee, that the failure of the Expedition from Canada
recognized the independency of America, we should be no
arose from any neglect in the Secretary of State." The resolution
longer bound to punish the European powers, who had
was agreed to by the Committee, but was never reported to the
House."
alread y, or who might do the same; and we should probably
secure a larger share of the commerce of the Americans, by a
perpetual alliance on a federal foundation, than on a nominal
dependence
could not avoid lamenting the language at present used
in the House of Commons; namely, that the Americans were
MR. Pow ys's MOTION FOR DECLARING THE AMERICANS
not generally inclined to independence. Now, could any
INDEPENDENT.
thing be more distant from probability ? Had we not seen
proof upon proof exhibited to the contrary ? Had not the
April I o.
provinces, one and all, entered into the most solemn bond
not to depart from, or rescind their vote of independency ;
TI;T the Committee on the State of the Nation, Mr. Powys, after
and had not even thousands of them, in the province of
a speech, in the course of which he maintained, that from the
Carolina, as well as in others, taken an oath before Heaven
exhausted state of the finances of the country, and the great
to maintain it? The Congress and the people were the same.
expence into which the American war had plunged it, nothing
Distinct opinions, party distractions, and disunited interests,
could be more necessary to us than peace with America, moved,
" That the powers of the Commissioners appointed to treat with
had not been formed in America, with regard to the great
America be enlarged ; and that they be authorized to declare the
point in which, by their unanimity, they had succeeded. He
Americans absolutely, and for ever independent."
laughed to hear the contrary asserted; but he hoped sincerely
that the honourable gentleman near him, (Governor John-
Mr. Fox said, he had formed a decided opinion upon the
stone,) and the other commissioners, had more solid grounds
present question, and if he should happen to differ in his
to go upon, and more rational hopes of success. He viewed
sentiments from a venerable character, whom he honoured
the dependency of America as a matter of very little moment
and revered, (Lord Chatham,) the committee would give him
to any part of this country, other than the minister and his
credit that no early prejudice, no infant pique, directed his
dependants. He understood that the appointment of go-
judgment, or influenced his mind. Ile had considered this
vernors, and other officers by the crown, was an object of
matter, abstracted from every other object, and his judg-
their contemplation, and one which they esteemed of great
ment was formed upon logical, as well as natural reasoning
consequence.It was meant, he supposed, as an addition to
and deduction. The dependency of America he thought it
the weight in the scale of government, and this circumstance
impossible, from our situation, as well as from the nature of
deserved the most serious attention of the House. The three
the object, for us to regain. She had joined with France in
estates
of parliament could no longer be the security and
an amicable and commercial treaty. The latter had recog-
defence of our constitution, than while they remained in an
nized her independency, and both were bound in gratitude
equipoise with regard to one another. If one preponderated,
to defend one another, against our resentment on the one
the executive over the legislative, or the legislative over the
hand, or our attempt to break it on the other. If by con-
executive, the superstructure must fall. It was a melancholy,
cession or coercion we attempted to recover the dependency
bet a certain truth, that the power of the executive had been
of America, we should have the powers of France and Ame-
gradually exerting itself to a predominancy for some years
rica, and perhaps Spain, to encounter with. If we attempted
Past) and its growth was already dangerous to our constitu-
..8.]
MOTION FOR AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
125
I /4
MOTION FOR AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. [April to,
17
enemy, in proportion to the extent of country ; but
tional existence. The further advantage that would be thrown
of our
into the scale, by the weight of America,
`no- ought to remember, that theirs were capable of more im-
would:ii,e
vements without injuring the people than ours. Would
turity to its growth, and perpetual dominion to it over the
prO
ministers but abolish the extravagant method of collecting
legislative; because, by the exemption from taxation, no de,
their revenues, the voluptuous manner of expending them,
gree of weight whatever was added to the legislative state.
ond the enormous extent of the royal expenditure, what a
Taxes were so far necessary to our constitution, seeing that
superiority, in point of revenue, might they not effbct?
they engaged the people narrowly to watch and resist the
i-fe condemned the Conciliatory Acts as totally inadequate
influence of the crown. Their lives and properties could
o the object, and declared, that if They produced any good
only be in danger when the crown became despotic. A se-
t dlie should attribute it solely to the influence of the ho-
curity against that danger destroyed their fears; and not
end,
en
being concerned in the advancement or depression of the
nourable and worthy gentleman (Governor Johnstone) who
was last joined in the commission. He hoped the committee
crown, they did not regard its progress. Good God ! then,
would consider seriously of the matter before them : there
could Britons with their eyes open, and, sensible of the clan-
had been enough of treasure fruitlessly wasted ; and that they
ger arising from the predominancy of the executive power,
might not waste more on an inadequate commission, he begged
wilfully throw so great an addition of strength into it, as the
them to extend its powers, and thereby secure its success.
power of appointing the officers to the government of Ame-
He could not avoid adverting to the conduct of the ministry,
rica must necessarily create ? Had we not appointments,
regard to the French " aggression." He knew not from
douceurs, sinecures, pensions, titles, baubles, and secret-
in
service money enough already? Did not the creatures of
whence the word came, but he supposed it meant " insult."
Himself and others were termed pusillanimous, because they
government swarm in every department, and must we add
attempted to stem the torrent of rage, that rushed from the
to their number?
bosoms of the ministry on that occasion; — they were called
He could not see that American independency would so
pusillanimous, because they were calm; but could they not
soon rise as the honourable gentleman imagined, to maritime-
now, with double energy, send back the term on those men
pre-eminence. The Americans could have no inducement to
who had confessed that the nation was insulted ; who had
hunt for territory abroad, when what they quietly possessed
made the King and the parliament of England confess that
would be more than they could occupy and cultivate. They
they were insulted ; and who, for a whole month, had
would find the advantages of conquest unequal to those of
pocketed the insult, without preparing to punish it, or taking
agriculture; and remembering that man had naturally a pre-
a single step for the defence of the nation ? He begged the
dilection for the enjoyment of landed property, they would
Committee to observe, that the ministry, conscious of their
find it impossible, in a country where land was to be had for
own inability, were obliged, when they wanted service to be
nothing, to propagate a spirit of manufacture and commerce.
performed, to call to their assistance the very men who had
Every American, more or less, would become the tiller and
condemned their measures, and uniformly despised them.
planter, and the country might, in some future and distant
period, be the Arcadia, but it could never be the Britain of
But if a peace was to be negociated, or a war to be under-
taken, (meaning the appointment of Governor Johnstone in
the world.
the one case, and Admiral Keppel and Lord Amherst in the
He reverted to the arguments of an honourable gentleman
other,) they were obliged to employ the men on his side of
near him, (Mr. Pulteney,) in regard to the finances of this
country. He never was more surprized than he was at hear-
the house.
ing a man of sense introduce such a puerility. The inter-
i\\tr. Burke supported the motion. Mr. Pulteney, Governor John-
nal opulence of the country might be introduced as a figure
stone, and Mr. Dundas, opposed it. Mr. T. Townshend thought
of shew, to delude the ignorant into an extravagant idea of
the motion premature, and moved, that the chairman do leave the
our resources; but the people must know that it was a mere
chair; which was agreed to without a division.
delusion. If we were reduced to such an emergency as to
have reference to the fundamental opulence, so might our
enemy; and comparing the one resource with the other, we
must acknowledge that theirs, in that respect, was treble our
own. Our natural resources, he knew, were superior to those
a
I26
MOTION AGAINST THE
PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
127
CAlay 28,
778'3
bie of exercising any civil office, incompetent to any civil
qnd incapable of bearing arms in this country.
;
MR. HARTLEY'S MOTION AGAINST THE PROROGATIO or
fiiiic
PARLIAMENT, AND FOR PUTTING A STOP. TO THE AM•RIcAN
Fox confessed he saw the greatest reason in the world
WAR.
fitto:lieetitlii_mclelioaopnt:g
tiieig the measure of the Address, and not one against
Rememberi n g how fatal the last long recess had been,
May 28.
be could not conceive how any man, in the least interested
'
welfare of his country, could think of trusting again to
R. HARTLEY moved, " That an humble Address be pre.
ement of the ministry. At the very instant, when
rented to His Majesty, to intreat His Majesty, that he will
were about to think of a conciliatory plan, it was
be graciously pleased not to prorogue the parliament, but that he
will suffer them to continue sitting for the purpose of assisting
adjourned for more than six weeks, and in that fatal time,
and forwarding the measures already taken for the restoration of
I'vhat was the conduct of the ministry ? Though they knew
Peace in America ; and that they may be in readiness, in the
that they were about to yield up every thing they had before
present critical situation and prospect of public affairs, to pro-
denied, and by the intimation of which, in due time, they
vide for every important event at the earliest notice." In a warm
might have prevented the effects that had ensued, yet they
speech which General Burgoyne made in support of the motion,
never made the least intimation, but gave time for France to
he advanced matters and opinions which could not fail of being
exceedingly grating to the ministers, and which were resented
conclude a treaty, by which every hope of bringing America
back to dependency was lost for ever. They filled up that
accordingly. Particularly, his describing them as totally insuffi-
cient and unable to support the weight of public affairs in the
space in levying armies, without the knowledge or controul
present critical and dangerous emergency. To the general know-
of parliament, and for that reason, truly, we were to trust
ledge of this incapability, he attributed the diffidence, despoil,
them again, as holly and implicitly as we should do a ma-
dency, and consternation, which were evident among a great part
jority of parliament. Ready on all occasions as that ma-
of the people ; and a still more fatal symptom, he said, that torpid
jority was to obey the will of the minister, inattentive and
indifference to our impending fate, which prevailed among a yet
negligent as some, and dependent as most of them were,
greater number.
yet still he preferred their votes and measures to those of
The drift of the general's speech was to shew the necessity of
the administration. An honourable gentleman had said, that
complying with the motion, in order, besides other great objects,
they were carrying on war at this very time, to the best of
that the presence of parliament might restore the confidence, and
renew the spirit of the nation ; and, he said, that if the King's
their understandings, against France and Spain. Looking
ministers should take the lead in opposition to the motion, and
back to their conduct, lie found equal reason for being dis-
use their influence for its rejection, he should hold them to be
pleased with their understandings here too. What stroke
the opposers of national spirit, opposers of public virtue, and
had they struck; or what active enterprize had they executed?
opposers of the most efficacious means to save their country. Mr.
They had moved an address to the throne, and they had
Rigby said, that the honourable general being a prisoner, was in fact
recalled their ambassador ! This was the extent of what their
dead to all civil as well as military purposes, and, as such, had no
understandings had produced. In more than two months
right to speak, much less to vote in that House. He then threw
they had been able to execute these mighty objects, and their
some degree of ridicule, in his state of it, upon the general's appli-
cation or wish for a trial. The honourable gentleman,
understandings assuredly deserved credit for the happiness
he said,
knew, when lie desired a trial, that he could not be tried ; he was
of the contrivance, as well as for the accomplishment of these
upon parole ; he was, as a prisoner under that parole, not at liberty
two things. It was said, by a learned gentleman, that his
to do any act in his personal capacity. The Solicitor General,
maj esty had it in his power to convene parliament in four-
Mr. Wedderburn, took the same ground of argument, and made
teen days; but so he had after an adjournment; and it was
it an object of serious discussion. In a speech, fraught with ge-
better to trust to adjournment, in this case, which would cer-
neral knowledge and ancient learning, he endeavoured to establish
tainly convene us, than to a prorogation; which might not do
from the example of Regulus, in the Roman history, and other
" Aye, but," said the learned gentleman, " by a pro-
precedents, that the general (the convention of Saratoga being
now broken) was merely in the state of a common prisoner of
rogation we shall have a new session, and then we may repeal
war ; and that, consequently, lie was not sui Janis,
the Acts of the present." Then, said Mr. Fox, it may be
but the im-
mediate property of another power. From whence lie insisted,
fairly concluded, that we are to repeal the Acts of the present
that the general, under his present obligations, was totally in-
session. That learned gentleman is the key to the cabinet;
I2t
AIOTION AGAINST TRE
D4428.
OT PARLIAMENT.129
1778.1
he knows the secrets of state, and lie says we must, in
next session, probably repeal every thing we,have don tit
• sentment. He could not avoid adverting to a cira
e j e
their le
which he confessed was new to him. It was a
the present; he knows that the propositions of peace .
ciostance,
4
subject of praise to a noble lord, whose ingenuity he seldom
not be accepted ;' lie is not sanguine enough, to flatter
self that they will ;
biln_
he knows that the plan is
bad cause to applaud; just, however, to merit in every in-
inadequate;
be could not be blind to it in this ; where invention
the concessions, however humiliating, not sufficient; we h al.
it was politic to cherish the first appearance of
brought ourselves so low, that kneeling before them
c
attention might promote its growth, as good
oncession in our hands, cannot procure us the peace -wo.
, with
for,
fin.,
careful cultivation, made even a barren soil
Pant
and we must repeal them before we succeed. I agr6
-with the learned gentleman, that the plan we have
e
i
f
i::rt:::Iibitcfsteol
Aani. 'rile noble lord in the blue ribbon had most inge-
proposed
niously created a new species of oratory, and that of so divine
is inadequate: but if in the present session we cannot repeal,.
and specific a nature, that it would serve every occasion, and
we may vary; and as we do not mean to restrain the
refute every argument. When we attempt, said Mr. Fox,
ricans in any degree, the variation that may be
Ames
n ecessary will
to charge to that noble lord's negligence or inability, the loss
be in our power. — The situation of his honourable friend
of America, and thereby the destruction of national gran-
(General Burgoyne) was an incentive towards continuing
session, of the most powerful nature. The
the
deur, national interest, and national credit, he replies, in his
honourable
neral was unfortunate, —singularly
ge.
newly-invented language, " Well, you may say this, and say
unfortunate; and it was
that; but I do say again and again, I did not lose America."
the business of the House to enquire into the causes of his
This reply is irrefutable. What can be urged against it?
misfortune, and charge them on the true author, whoever
We must alter our accusation, and, instead of throwing it on
he might be. It was to his honourable friend a matter of
the noble lord, 'condemn General Washington, as the only
consolation, though he knew him too well to suspect that he
cause of our having lost America. His superior abilities had
preferred private consolation to the good of his country; yet,
frustrated every effort; we did all that men could do, but he,
he said, it might console him to think, that he was not the
like the arm of Heaven, overthrew our strength, and made
only unfortunate man who had served the present adminis-
t •
us yield to his superiority. Arguing in like manner, we
ation. It was the lot of every man who had served them
ought to say, it was not owing to the head or the heart of
to be unfortunate. Every officer in America was an instance
king James, that he lost the crown of Great Britain, but
of the fact. General Gage had not reaped any laurels in
their service, nor had Admiral Graves
the wickedness of the times. He did all that man could do,
any reason to rejoice
but his enemies were the more powerful, and he was forced
at his success. Sir William Howe had not escaped the mis-
tosubmit. In the same manner, if the fleet that sailed six
fortunes that had overtaken their servants; though crowned
weeks ago from the port of Toulon, had attacked and taken
with repeated conquests, he had lost by his success. Lord
Howe's
the most valuable territory of the empire, destroyed our fleet,
character could not be much hurt by their insinua-
and made captive the army in America, we must not condemn
tions, rancorous as they had been; but he had gained no
the ministry as the cause of our misfortunes ; they could not
additional honour frofn his exploits in their service. The
avoid it; they did all that men could do, but the winds of
manner in which the other gallant officer, Sir Guy Carleton,
had been treated, needed no comment; it was
Heaven were against them, and the winds of Heaven were
upon record,
and would stand an example in future,
alone the destroyers we ought to condemn. It has been re-
ih• the instruction of
peatedly urged by the noble lord, that it is not possible for
all those who might be hazardous enough to attempt to serve
administration to defend all our extended empire from the
their country, under the auspices of men who were obliged
encroachments of the enemy. True: but is there any one
to cover their ignorance and inability, and screen themselves
part of the empire at this moment defended, except Ports-
from ignominy and contempt, by throwing blame upon the
mouth? Have the ministry put their own defensive plan into
men who were unwise enough to act as they were instructed.
execution ? Ridiculous and inadequate in our situation as a
The concealment of intelligence delivered to them, under
defensive plan is, have they even begun upon that? Nature
any form, was criminal to the highest degree, when the cha-
racter of a soldier depended upon the disclosure. He knew
has assisted them most materially in this task. The Gut of
not how to speak of their conduct and preserve his
Gibraltar is a kind of general protection for our Mediter-
s
He wondered how the people
temper.
ranean dominions; a fleet stationed there, prevents those of
could hear of it, and withhol
our enemies from sailing ;—and yet, so blind and indifferent
1,
1_ 30.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
ENOv.26.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
13 I
1778.3
have ministers been, that no fleet is stationed . there for tha
represented as friendly ; but their armaments suspicious: the fai-
purpose. We cannot, as the noble lord says,' number sli
with
ps
ure of the conciliatory measures was regretted : the necessity of
with France and Spain. This superiority is multiplied by
l
active exertions by sea and land, pointed out by the situation of
our acquiescence. It is not the greater number of ships tha
s
t
affairs, was urged in general terms, without specifying any plan
state actually possesses, but the number employed in action
of operations: with regard to the American war, a total silence
that constitutes superiority. If France has twelve line of
was observed. The Address of the House of Commons, with the
battle ships at sea, while we have forty-two in port, she is
usual professions of attachment and support, repeated, in nearly
superior. Instead of defending, let us attack. One grea
t
same expressions, the sentiments contained in the speech.
he
t
stroke of policy must now be attempted, as one great,
Kr. Thomas Townshend moved, to substitute in place of part
sudden,
the address the following amendment: " To assure his majesty,
unexpected stroke can alone, in our present situation, save
of
that with the truest zeal for the honour of the crown, and the
us: such a one as that which determined the late of the
warmest affection for his majesty's person and we are
last war, and such a one as might now be effected. Need
ready to give the most ample support to such measures as may be
I say that the capture of the Spanish flotilla would be an issue
thought necessary for the defence of these kingdoms, or for frus-
to the conflict. To effect such an object, the hands of go-
trating the designs of that restless power which has so often dis-
vernment must be strengthened, great, prodigious supplies
turbed the peace of Europe: but that we think it one of our most
must be granted, the nerves of war must be "strained to their
important duties, in the present melancholy posture of afrairs, to
extent, and, for that purpose, this House must and ought
enquire by what fatal councils, or unhappy systems of policy, this
country has been reduced from that splendid situation which, in
to continue to sit. Money will be wanted in the course of
the early part of his majesty's reign, made her the envy of all
the summer, and it will be necessary for the House of Com-
Europe, to such a dangerous state as that which has of late called
mons to find it somewhere. Deplorable as our situation is,
. forth our utmost exertions without any adequate benefit."
it is nevertheless not desperate, for Great Britain cannot
despair, provided her ministers are as able to plan as she is.
to execute.
Mr. Fox rose and said:
I rise, sir, to second the amendment made by my right
honourable friend, because I wish as much as he does to
The House divided on Mr.Hartley's motion:
promote an. enquiry into the misconduct and incapacity of
Tellers.
Tellers.
Mr. Fox
his majesty's present ministers. I know that views of suc-
YEAS
Sir William Gordon /
53.--
{Mr. Turner}
Nos /
j tos;'
ceeding to some one of the offices filled by them, will be
Mr. Robinson
So it passed in the negative.
assigned as the motives of my conduct in opposing them, but
we are now in a situation which obliges me to neglect all such
considerations. I think myself so loudly called upon by my
duty to my country, that I will freely expose my character
to public animadversion, while I pursue that line which my
duty marks out. Nobody is more sensible than I am of the
AINIENDAIENT TO THE ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT.
necessity of unanimity at this juncture, and I wish I had the
THE OPENING OP THE SESSION.
opportunity afforded me of supporting the ministry with jus-
tice to the country : but that, Sir, can never be the case with
November 26..
the present. I know them too well to do so, and shall feel
it my duty to give them every opposition in my power. I
THE King opened the session with a speech from the throne;
know that doing so will be called clogging the wheels of go-
replete with complaints of the unexampled and unprovoked
vernment at a time when they ought to be assisted by every-
hostility of the court of France. With regard to the events of
man; but, Sir, they have reduced us to that paradoxical
the war, it was short and inexplicit ; grounding the hopes of suc-
cess on future exertions, on the state of preparation, and on the
situation, that
must choose one of two evils, for they have
I
spirit of the people, more than on the actions of the campaign;
not left us the power of choosing any good: it is a paradox
which were alluded to with a coldness that might easily be con-
in fact, and I will take that part which appears to me to be,
strued into censure. Notice was, however, taken of ,
must, consequently, use all my ex-
the pro-
though bad, the best; I
m
tection afforded to commerce, and of the large reprisals made upon
ertions to remove the present ministry, by using every means
the injurious aggressors. The professions of neutral powers were
my power to clog them in this House, to clog them out
in
I2
K 2 .
4
92
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH..
[Nov. 26
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
i775.]
133
of this House, and to clog every thing they engage in while
rot have been expected. I say, therefore, that you have had
they continue in office; and I will do so, because I consider
better issue in every quarter than could possibly have been
this to be less ruinous than to submit any longer to their
hoped for, and that consequently the speech not only asserts a
blundering system of politics.
falsehood, but throws an unjust, an illiberal censure upon the
What, Sir, is our situation on entering into the present
employed in the service of the crown, which ought
• commanders
war with Prance, compared with what it was at the begin.
to fall upon the ministry.
Alone
zing of the last ? England was then at the height of her hap-
What, Sir, does the speech next insinuate? That the com-
piness, and I may add of her riches and commerce; all her
missioners sent out to America have been equally censurable
resources were fresh and untouched, and in the full vigour
in not executing the 44 conciliatory measures planned by the
of strength; but at the beginning of this we have been en-
wisdom and temper of parliament." What were those plans
gaged in a four years expensive, ruinous, fruitless war ; and
of parliament? for I never heard of them before. That the
now that, by a complication of blunders, ministers have
commissioners should be sent out in the dark as to every thing
brought us to this point, they impudently call upon us for
intended—was that the plan of parliament? That Genera
unanimity, and desire we should continue them in office, (for
Clinton should leave Philadelphia without giving the commis-
that is the object of the address) to blunder in a second war
sioners two hours warning, and that distrust should be saddled
as they have done throughout the first.
on them the moment of their arrival—was that the plan of
His majesty, in his speech, tells us, that our efforts have not
parliament? That they should offer terms of reconciliation
been attended with all the success which the justice of our
equally degrading to this country and unlikely to be listened
cause and the vigour of our exertions seemed to promise.
to by congress—was that the plan of parliament? I'never
The speech is allowed on all hands to be the speech of the
heard of these plans before, and I now disclaim all share in
minister; it is parliamentary so to consider it; and I will
them. Parliament formed no plans, but the ministry did, and
tell the noble lord that this assertion is not founded in fact, —
we now see what they were; the speech is a libel upon parlia-
that the speech is false: that you have had more success than
ment when it attributes to us such pitiful plans; the speech is
you deserved, and that you ought to be happy at the issue
slanderous and libellous in calling them plans of parliament.
of your exertions, and contented that things are no worse;
Sir, of all the commanders employed by the present minis-
you have had every success that could be expected from the
try, of all the officers who have served under them, let me
measures of the noble lord, and more, — for you have escaped.
ask whether there is one who has not quarrelled with, and left
Your fleet was sent out under that brave and able commander
them in disgust? In what single instance have the ministry
Admiral Keppel, twenty sail only to meet thirty ships of the
succeeded ? And surely no ministry was ever uniformly un-
hne, that fleet on which your existence depended, and which
successful that did not plan unwisely? But there is a spirit of
_alone stood between you and an invasion; the noble lord
discord among them that frustrates every thing ; the moment
gave every chance of its being destroyed by inequality of
any person is appointed to a command, from that moment
numbers, and your navy at one blow totally ruined : it es-
the ministry set themselves against him, from that moment he
caped; that could never have been expected. M. D'Estaing
is counteracted, and at last forced to throw it up ; happy if
left Toulon and went into the Mediterranean ; when his
he can retire from their service before his reputation is lost in
destination was no longer doubtful, no fleet was sent after
those expeditions which they first absurdly plan in the teeth
him to where he might have been effectually stopped : he was
of every difficulty, and afterwards will not suffer to be executed.
suffered to go out again, and to proceed with the treaty and
There is a spirit of discord in the constitution of the present
the French ambassador on board, which the noble lord well
ministry which must ever have the same effect, and for ever
knew; he had an uncommonly bad passage across the At-
prevent any thing succeeding under their hands; that spirit
lantic, and thereby you escaped in America; an event that
of discord in the administrations of this country has been the
could not have been expected. Admiral Byron was sent
characteristic of the present reign, but it never flourished in
out to America at such a time that it was barely possible he
greater perfection than at present; the ministry of to-day have
should arrive in time to succour that brave and excellent com-
exceeded all that went before them in that respect: that spirit
mander, the noble lord whom I am happy to see now in his
has pervaded every branch of the service of the country, and,
place : by his conduct he was able to preserve the fleet under
weak and disunited among themselves, disjointed and torn
his command, such as it was, and it escaped; — that too could
asunder, they laugh at opposition, and call upon us for una-
k- 3
I
1 34
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov. 26..
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
1778'1
135
nimity. His late majesty was not one of those princes who
account must have been false; for in March you had only
history dignifies with the title of hero; yet this country never
twelve sent to America with Admiral Byron, and Mr. Keppel
was at a higher pitch of glory than during the latter part of
had only twenty; that makes 32 only—ten short of the num-
his reign; because it was governed by a ministry so formed as
-
ber they themselves stated to you, so that the account given of
to have in its constitution the principles of success ; a ministry
them must have been false; or if they will say that it was not
who knew the interests of their country, who were unanimous
false, and that the other ten went to different stations, which
in the cabinet, mid supported by the confidence of the people.
I do not believe, then was the admiralty sitting idle from No-
What a melancholy contrast does the situation of the empire
vembe • to March, without putting one more ship in forward-
under that ministry form with the present ! Flow will it ap-
ness, for more than three months, during which time France
pear under the pen of some future historian, whose subject
was employed in fitting out fleets in all quarters such as she
shall be, not the glory, but the fall of the British empire !
never had before. They stated your fleet then to be in-
Have the ministers no regard to the fame of a master who
finitely superior to that of France, or of Spain; superior to
has. sacrificed every thing to their emolument or ambition?
them both together, but infinitely superior to either of them
Will they entail infamy upon his name, after having robbed
separately; that you were infinitely superior to them on every
him of one half of his people? Instead of being celebrated for
station : and yet, notwithstanding all this superiority at home
those virtues and -abilities which have extricated states from
and abroad, Mr. Keppel was sent out with only 20 sail to
dangerous convulsions, how will it sear the. eye-balls of the
meet 30 ships of the enemy, and every possible chance given
prince to see the decline of his empire dated from his acces-
them of being destroyed. Notwithstanding our superiority
sion, and its fall completed within his single reign ! His pri-
and forwardness, Mr. Byron was not sent after M. D'Estaing
vate virtues will in the lapse of time be forgotten, the character
(who went out on the 13th of April,) until the 5th of May :
of the man will be lost in the character of the monarch, and
and notwithstanding our superiority in every quarter, the
he will be handed down to the latest posterity as the loser of
noble lord who commanded in America was left without rein-
his empire.
forcement, without even notice of the motions of the French,
His majesty, in the speech, takes a great deal of pains to
to fall a prey, if fortune and his own conduct had not pre-
shew that there is good cause for arming against France; his
vented it, to the fleet of France. But the whole of their con-
majesty might have been spared that trouble; there is cause,
duct is well known to the world : need I mention the sending
and cause enough, to go to war with France; there was cause
of a fleet of transports into the Delaware after Philadelphia
long enough ago; and that correspondence with America,
had been evacuated, a fleet upon which the existence of the
which the speech calls " clandestine," has been known for
army depended, and which nothing but the most extraordi-
years to every one of his subjects: when was it the ministry, '-
nary accident could have saved: need I mention the abandon-
in their penetration, found out this clandestine correspond-
ing Philadelphia, the taking and keeping of which had cost so
ence? But now that they acknowledge it is necessary to go to
much ;—but, indeed, I will give some degree of merit to that,
war with France, what power have we to assist us? I see none; ,
as far as it was undoing what had been done, those are the
mentioned, I hear of no alliance : No man has a higher opi-
only measures in which the ministry every had my approba-
nion of the spirit or resources of this nation than I have; but
tion :—yet, if it was to be done, Sir, why did not the commis-
you cannot enter into a new war alone; this nation is not
sioners know it? why were they sent out in ignorance, and
able to fight the whole world at once, and yet you hear not a
exposed as wanting the confidence of their employers? On the
word of any ally or of any support. This one circumstance,
moment of their appearance they were landed among the peo-
if there were no other, is such a damning proof of the incapa-
ple with whom they were to enter into a negotiation of mu-
city oltho present ministry, that I never will give my vote for
tual faith, with the seal of suspicion fixed upon their commis-
an Address which pledges this House for the support of mea-
sion. Here again broke out the spirit of the administration,
sures which they are to advise and direct.
that spirit of discord which we never lose sight of. What opi-
Look at your situation now and what it was this time last
nion after this must America have of the commissioners?
year. What did the ministers then say, and what have they
How were they to venture to treat with them? There was
since done? They told you in the month of November that
only one of the commissioners who could have had the ear of
there were 35 sail of the line then ready, and tilt seven more
the people in America ; he alone of the commissioners had
would be fit for sea in the month of December. Now, this
been their friend iu Great Britain; he was acquainted with
K 4
136
ADDRESS ON THE ICING'S SPEECH.
[Nov.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
26.
1
137
778.]
the temper of the province of Pennsylvania; he built his hopes
rather than defence; attack France, then, for she is
attack
in going out entirely upon the temper of that province, and
voter object: the nature of the war with her is quite different;
the moment he was landed you left it; you carried him away
war against America is against your own countrymen ;
t}r e
with you, and left those who were ill-judged enough to be
that against France is against your inveterate enemy and rival :
your friends to fall an undefended sacrifice for their attach-
every -blow you strike in America is against yourselves, even
ment : there again, the spirit of distrust and discord appeared ;
though you should be able, which you never will be, to force
no steps were suffered to be taken towards a reconciliation;
them to submit; every stroke against France is of advantage
no plan was formed, no . hopes conceived on any side, except
to you; the more you lower her scale, the more your own
the hopes, by amusing the House, of getting over the session
rises, and the more the Americans will be detached from her
Here at home.
as useless to them: even your victories over America arc fa-
How all the schemes of the ministry have been formed,
vourable to France, from what they must cost you in men and
judge from their issue; but consider for a minute how criti-
money; your victories over France will be felt by her ally ;
cally ill-timed has been every attempt. Terms of reconcilia-
America must be conquered in France; France never can be
tion were offered—when? at a time when you had been baf-
conquered in America.
fled, at a time when you were subdued, at a time when they
The war of the Americans is a war of passion; it is of such
had ordered your army into such a situation that it was
a nature as to be supported by the most powerful virtues, love
obliged to capitulate: was that a moment to be chosen to offer
of liberty and of country, and at the same time by those pas-
terms? But look back to what the noble lord has told you
sions in the human heart which give courage, strength, and
himself; " he always intended a reconciliation, he always
perseverance to man; the spirit of revenge for the injuries you
looked after a peace, and kept it in view." Did he, then, en-
have clone them, of retaliation for the hardships inflicted on
gage you in a civil war with your brethren in America till he
them, and of opposition to the unjust powers you would have
should be tired of an active scene of administration? Where
exercised over them ; every thing combines to animate them
was the use of entering into a war for a peace which you had
to -this war, and such a war is without end; for whatever ob-
offered to you without it? But he will tell you, No, it was to
stinacy enthusiasm ever inspired man with, you will now have
find the best time to make your peace, to find the best ,moment
to contend with in America : no matter what gives birth to
to propose your terms : he looked for that moment, he was on
that enthusiasm, whether the name of religion or of liberty,
the watch for still a moment, and you see the glorious golden
the effects are the same; it inspires a spirit that is unconquer-
opportunity he fixed upon for the deliberate execution of a
able, and solicitous to undergo difficulties and dangers; and
concerted plan. Good God, Sir, are these hands into which
as long as there is a man in America, so long will you have
you will trust the fate of your empire ? Who can listen to
him against you in the field.
such facts without indignation and contempt? And what man
The war of France is of another sort; the war of France is
will join in an address to keep ministers in office who are ca-
a war of interest; it was interest that first induced her to en-
pable of such mismanagement ?
gage in it, and it is by that same interest that she will measure
You have now two wars before you, of which you must
its continuance; turn your face at once against her, attack
choose one, for both you cannot support. The war against
her wherever she is exposed, crush her commerce wherever
America has been hitherto carried on against her alone, un-
you can, make her feel heavy and immediate distress through-
assisted by any ally; notwithstanding she stood alone, you
out the nation, and the people will soon cry out to their go-
have been obliged uniformly to increase your exertions, and
vernment. Whilst the advantages she promises herself are
to push your efforts to the extent of your power, without being
remote and uncertain, inflict present evils and distresses upon.
able to bring it to any favourable issue; you have exerted all
her subjects; the people will become discontented and cla-
your strength hitherto without effect, and you cannot now di-
morous, she will find the having entered into this business a
vide a force found already inadequate to its object : my opinion
bad bargain, and you will force her to desert an ally that
is for withdrawing your forces from America entirely, for a
il4
brings so much trouble and distress, and the advantages of
defensive war you never can think of; a defensive war would
whose alliance may never take effect.
ruin this nation at any time and in any circumstances; an of-
What, Sir, is become of the ancient spirit of this nation?
fensive war is pointed out as proper for this country; our
'Where is that national spirit that ever did honour to this
situation points it out, and the spirit of the nation impels us to
Io
I', 8
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov. 26.
CONTRACTORS' BILL.
139
1779'1
country ? Have the present ministers exhausted that, toot
with almost the last shilling of your money? Are they not
CONTRACTORS' BILL.
ashamed of the temporizing conduct they have used towards
France ? Her correspondence with America has been "
Februau 2. I 7 79.
destine ;" compare that with their conduct towards Holland
some time ago :—but it is the characteristic of little minds to,
the tzth of February, Sir Philip Jennings Clerke obtained
exact in little things, while they shrink from their rights in
leave to bring in a Bill " for restraining any person, being a
great ones :—the conduct of France is called clandestine ; look
member of the House of Commons, from being concerned himself,
hack but a year ago to the letter of one of your secretaries of
or any person in trust for him, in any contract made by the com-
state to Holland, " it is with surprize and indignation" your
missioners of his majesty's treasury, the commissioners of the navy,
the board of ordnance, or by any other person or persons for the
conduct is seen—in something done by a petty governor of an
public service, unless the said contract shall be made at a public
island—while they affect to call the measures of France clan-
bidding." The bill was shortly after brought in, and read a first
destine; this is the way the ministers support the character of
and second time. On the II th of March it was moved to commit
the nation, and the national honour and glory ! But look,
the bill ; a debate ensued, in the course of which,
again, how that same Holland is spoken to to-day; even in your
correspondence with her your littleness appears
Mr. Fox rose chiefly to observe on a remark that had been
" pauper et exul uterque,
made, that the bill was a personal attack on those who now
" Projecit ampullas, et sesquipedalia verba."
held contracts. For his part, he did not see it in that light ;
but if the gentlemen in that situation present considered it as
From this you may judge of your situation; from this you
such, they should have retired, as Lord George Germain had
may know what a state you are reduced to. How will the
done on a former question respecting himself. He main-
French party in Holland exult over you, and grow strong !:
tained, that if the newly created office was not within the
She will never continue your ally while you meanly crouch to
spirit of the Act of Queen Anne, the contractors were; for
France, and dare not stir in your own defence; nor is it ex-
persons holding great emoluments from government were
traordinary that she should hot, while the present ministers
within the clause. The parliamentary effect of contracting
remain in place. No power in Europe is so blind; none
was two-fold, and both the action and the re-action tended to
stupid enough to ally itself with weakness, to become partner
iu
destroy the independence of that House. He then stated the
bankruptcy, to unite with obstinacy, absurdity, and imbe-
mutual obligation between the contractor and the 'minister.
cility. For these reasons, Sir, I am against the Address upon
The minister, in the first place, said to the contractor, " I
your table, and most heartily concur in the Amendment of
my right honourable friend.
give you a good contract, on condition that you give me a.
good vote ;" and in the second place, the contractor re-acts
After a long and vehement debate,
upon the minister, " I have given you a good vote, give me a
the House at two in the
morning divided on the Amendment :
good contract; I voted for you the other night, in direct con-
Tellers.
tradiction to my senses ; I voted, that we had 42 ships ready
Tellers.
Mr.T.Townshend
for sea, when we had but six; and, I voted that the French
Mr. Rice
YEA s Mr. Fox
107.—NoEs
Sir J. GoodrickeS
1 226'
fleet did not consist of 3 2 ships, when Admiral Keppel had
So it passed in the negative : after which the Address was
but 20 ; though both the facts lay upon the table. I have
agreed to.
voted all this to do you service, and I expect you will not
hesitate to give me a good thing ; therefore, you must not
quarrel with me for twopence a gallon on rum, or a farthing
On a loaf of bread." And says the minister to another, " You
know I gave you an advantageous contract, worth to you
20,0001., therefore, 1 must have a sure vote in,you." Here
was the worst of all tics, a double influence, a reciprocity,
which this bill was intended to remedy. But perhaps the in-
significant advantage of 75 per cent. was nothing in the esti-
1 4 0
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY. [March 3.
3 MOTION OP CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY.
141
3779.
Illation of a huddling treasury board, who had currency and
in governments merely arbitrary, or where the direction of
sterling always at their elbow !
the power, force, and resources of the commonwealth were
vested in a single person, oy in a few, all the functions of go-
The question being put, that the speaker do now leave the chair;
the House divided :
v ernment were performed with greater facility and dispatch,
licularly in times of war. Secresy, which was the life of
Tellers.
Tellers.
1 Mr. T. Townshendi
qnsel, was secured; dispatch and vigour were only bounded
YEAS
Sir John Irwin
Mr. Grenville
1 24.—Nors
b) the abilities of the state. The blow was struck, or the ne-
Mr. Robinson i6 5 -
So it passed in the negative.
cessary precautions were taken, as it were, before the cause
Lord North then moved, " That
this House will, upon this day
was known ; and the people acquiesced in the power and wis-
four months, resolve itself into a
committee upon the said bill :"
dom of their rulers. On the other hand, in governments
which was agreed to.
where the political machine consisted of different movements,
where its parts were more complex, and the motion of the
whole depended upon a combination of various movements, its
motions were slower; they were regular, but less vigorous ;
they were liable to be defeated, because their stated progress
MR. Fox's MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE CONDUCT OF THE
was made public, before the proposed effect could take place.
ADMIRALTY, IN
This was a speculative proposition, that no man could deny.
SENDING OUT ADMIRAL KEPPEL WITH TOO
SMALL A FORCE.
Indeed, on the first hearing, it commanded assent. It was an
abstract proposition, equally clear, that those advantages aris-
March 3.
ing in arbitrary governments were balanced by others enjoyed
T
in free governments. The latter were better calculated for
HE order of the day being read,
times of peace. Men were more effectually protected in their
persons and properties ; they gave encouragement to the exer-
Mr. Fox rose :—He began with remarking, that the orders
tions of private individuals; they called forth talents out of
of the House had been disobeyed ; that the papers moved for
obscurity, into the service of the state ; they were favourable
some days ago, being copies of those found aboard the Pallas
to mercantile adventure, to the extension of trade and com-
and Licorne French frigates, had in part been withheld; and
merce; they inspired a love of country, and a spirit of honest
such of them as had not, were not produced till since the
independency ; in short, free governments, while they put
House met, by which means the members were prevented from
every man upon a level, and rendered him independent of
knowing any thing of their contents. The papers alluded to,
every thing but the law, combined every member of the so-
had been transmitted by his honourable 'relation, (Admiral
ciety in one common interest, and created a personal, as well
Keppel) to the admiralty-board; and though moved for on the
as public pride, which, when properly directed and judiciously
st instant, and though they could be copied in a few mi-
restrained, was the strongest excitement to great and glorious
nutes, they were withheld. Such a conduct would fully jus-
actions.
tify him, in postponing his motion, that gentlemen might have
Such were on one hand, the advantages that in theory were
time to peruse the papers; but as he meant to state them as
supposed to be annexed to governments, where the whole
part of his speech, it would answer the end he proposed, which
power of the community was vested in, and exercised by, a
was to shew the comparative strength of the respective squa-
single person ; and such on the other, were the distinguishing
drons, at the time the honourable admiral quitted the channel.
characteristics of governments constituted upon the broad basis
There was still something which had a worse appearance than-
of public freedom. But, although in theory, each proposition
the mere delay; and that was the omitting entirely the letter
seemed equally evident, experience held a different language.
from the admiral, which accompanied the enclosures.
The truth was, that the arts of peace had not, at all times,
He then proceeded, and, in a prefatory discourse, after stat-
been more successfully cultivated in states republican and free,
ing the seeming advantages which governments merely mo-
nor yet those of war, in countries purely arbitrary and despotic.
narchical had over those limited or mixed, made the following
No nations had been more successful in war than those in
observations. The general opinion which prevailed was, that(
which the body of the people had a share in the public
counsels ; none had oftener failed, than those who excluded
.1.
MOTIO'N OF CENSURE ON TIIE ADMIRALTY- Nardi
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY,
143
1779'i
3•
them entirely from interfering in the administration of public
gentleman
entleman present would deny had been so bone-.
affairs.
slimed
ficially and successfully exercised upon many former occasions.
The ancient republics of Greece and Rome exhibited the
It amounted fairly to this : we have confided in administra-
strongest proofs of the former. This country would remain a
ti for the effecting such and such purposes, which can be
monument to the end of time, of the fortunate and
ier brought about by the few than the many; the trust is
al most
be°tIt
irresistible 'exertions of a mixed government. Holland and
conditional; we, who have delegated the power, reserve a.
Switzerland Ihrther confirmed the truth of this proposition,
night to withdraw our confidence, when we discover that it
that no form of government is so well calculated for the hap..
been improperly bestowed or abused ; a want of ability or
Os
piness of its subjects, for internal prosperity, and external
integrity, equally disqualifies the persons intrusted, and sub-
strength, as that in which the power is delegated by the
jects them to punishment or dismissal, according to the parti-
people, and exercised by the executive power under their
cular circumstances of the case. He said, parliament might
controul.
forbear the exercise of this right of punishment and enquiry,
The reason which struck him was this : the legislative and
but they could not divest themselves of it, it being of the
executive powers of the state, being separate and distinct, the
very essence of the constitution they had a right to exercise
crown and its ministers are conditionally vested with as much
it in two ways; the one by way of prevention, the other
power as is necessary for the discharge of the trust committed
judicially. It was the duty of parliament to remove, upon.
to their care. The executive power may make peace and
good grounds, in order to put a stop to further evils. Wicked
war; may enter into alliances; may incur expellees; may, in
and weak counsellors were proper objects of removal, in the
short, adopt every measn•e, which the terms of such a trust
first instance; of condign punishment upon a constitutional
can be supposed to imply, in as frill and ample a manner as
investigation, and legal proceedings, in the second. Parliae
they think proper ; Ibllowed only with this single condition,
meat stood between the people and the executive power ; and
that they are responsible to parliament for their conduct., If
it was only through that medium the people could constitu-
they act negligently, corruptly, or traitorously, they do it at
tionally seek, or legally obtain, redress.
their peril—at the hazard of their lives, honours, and for-
He was free to acknowledge, that the motion of the present
tunes ; whereas, in arbitrary governments, where men are
day was founded strictly in the principles he had now laid
subject to the same failings and vices, being not subject to- a
down; it looked immediately to removal as the first step to
like controul, or to be called to any account for their conduct,
enquiry, and consequent punishment. It might be said, and
their conduct being directed by the only person in whose
he expected to hear it urged with all imaginable confidence
power it is to disgrace or punish them, so long as they pre-
and plausibility, " What ! criminate without cause, and pu-
serve the confidence of the sovereign they have nothing to
nish without proof ! Would you condemn a person absent,
fear, or to deter them from giving the most pernicious counsels
and unheard ?" The proper answer to these questions would
their ambition or personal interests may prompt them to.
depend upon the sense of the House. It would rest solely
They have no accounts or after-reckonings to settle with the
with the House to judge whether the facts he should state
public, whom they have oppressed or betrayed; if they have
offered good ground of crimination. If they did, it would
been able to flatter a weak prince into a favourable opinion of
afterwards rest with the House, whether the proofs were suf-
their services, or to persuade a wicked one, that their inca-
ficient to support a public accusation, or parliamentary
pacity was the effect of a zeal for his person, and an 'implicit
impeachment. It would rest with those whom the consti-
obedience to his commands, they are sure to be honoured and
tution had appointed to decide in the last instance, to declare
caressed at court, while, perhaps, they are execrated and de-
whether the party or persons accused were guilty ; and to
tested throughout the nation.
direct the nature and extent of the punishment.
How far the doctrine of a free government, retaining a.
Ministers had hitherto evaded every thing which could pos-
dernier controul over the executive power, was applicable to
sibly- lead to an inquiry into their conduct, by refusing every
the constitution of this country, was a subject worthy of the
document necessary for their acquittal or conviction; every
particular attention of the House, because it was a matter
thing which might lead to proofs of their guilt or innocence.
most intimately connected with the subject of debate of the
The papers which he had moved for some days since, relative
present day. The controul lie alluded to, was the inquisi-
to any information they might have received concerning the
torial power vested in that House; a controul, which he pre-
equipment of the Brest squadron, afforded a recent proof of
44
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY.
MOTION OF CENSURE ON Tilt ADMIRALTY.
1 4 S
[March 3,
the truth of this assertion. The fate of that Motion was, that
as directly applied to, or served to confirm them. He
it received a negative; and he presumed that many gentlemen
the papers taken aboard the Pallas and Licorne,
who voted in the majority on that occasion, voted merely
an order for providing anchorage in Brest water
on
the reason assigned by the noble lord in the blue ribbon:
tc.i.:11
0°1stni.°1 717rin
sciligil of the line, stating their rates, the flags to be
" that the disclosing secrets of state, which must be the case
aboard them, and that anchorage would be likewise
Uorne
if the papers then moved for were granted, would be daa..•
t for five more, not then ready. The line of battle
Nvarix_
gerous, and might prove of the worst consequence." This
of one of 113, one of o6, eight of 84 and 8o, 20
consisted
plausible objection would be removed. The information ne-
of 74 and 64, one of 5 6, and one of so guns.
cessary to support the motion he meant to make, would be
The conclusion which this state of facts supported was
grounded on the evidence on the table, which contained no
obvious to the most moderate capacity, and must equally
secrets of state ; secondly, the answers he expected to receive
strike the meanest as the most enlightened understanding,
to the questions he proposed to put .to his honourable relation
that when Admiral Keppel sailed from Plymouth
near him, would supply, he trusted, what was deficient in
oililitelhie was, of June, with 20 ships, with orders to cruize off
w
the papers ; and, thirdly, nothing would or could come out
Ushant for so many days, the admiralty board must have
but what was known to all Europe, and consequently to
Imown that there were then 3o ready to proceed to sea in
every gentleman present, who had turned his thoughts to the
Brest water, or they were ignorant of the fact. If the former,
subject.
it was an act of the highest criminality, to risk the fate of this
He then proceeded to state his facts, and point to his con-
country on so great a disparity of force; nay, allowing that the
clusions. His facts were, that although administration, or he
French had but 27 ships ready for sea, the admiralty board
would speak out, he meant the Earl of Sandwich, the first
were no less blameable. Had an engagement happened, which
lord of the admiralty, had, in the month of November, 1777,
must inevitably have been the case had not Admiral Keppel
not by a casual expression, which dropped from him in
returned into port, the consequences would probably have
debate, but repeatedly in answer to doubts started and asser-
proved fatal to the naval power of this country. If the western
tions to the contrary, made by several persons in a certain
squadron had been defeated, it would have probably gone to
respectable assembly, solemnly affirmed, and pledged himself
the exterminating the seeds of a navy of this country ; our
in his official capacity, that there were then
trade would have been ruined, our coasts would have been
3s ships of the
line ready for sea, and fit for actual service, and 7 more in
insulted, and there would have been nothing to prevent
great forwardness, which would be ready for sea in a fort-
e,
M. D'Orvilliers from burning and destroying our two great
night ; notwithstanding which, early in the month of March
naval arsenals, Portsmouth and Plymouth. On the other
following, when the honourable admiral, by the desire of his
hand, presuming that the first lord of the admiralty was
sovereign, went to Portsmouth to examine the state and con-
ignorant of the real naval force of France in the Bay, would
dition of the ships, there were not more than 6 ships of the
not the consequences to the nation have been the same ?
line in a state fit to meet an enemy. That after that period
And was not his conduct equally criminal ? Negligence in
great diligence was used ; yet, in the month of June, the
persons in high trust, to whom the safety and protection of
force actually ready for sea was little superior, if at all, to
the state are committed, was not like negligence on ordinary
what it had been stated in the preceding November. That
occasions; negligence in such men amounted to criminality ;
early in the month of June, Admiral Keppel
and for persons in high and responsible situations to plead
was sent to
cruize off the coast of France with 2o ships of the line only,
ignorance, in justification of their misconduct and neglect,
though by the papers on the table, taken aboard the Pallas
was, in fact, acknowledging themselves guilty. But his pre-
and Licorne, it appeared there were then 27 ships of the line
sent motion not being immediately directed to punishment,
lying in Brest water, and 5 more in great forwardness; so
but removal, it was enough f6r him to maintain and prove,
Much so, that the whole 32 were at sea early in the month of
that the fate of this nation was committed to an unequal con-
July ; which force was accompanied by a much greater pro-
test, and that those who had wilfully or undesignedly loci the
portion of frigates than the British squadron,
nation into so hazardous a situation, ought instantly to be
off munber
being is, including those which were cruizing off Brest har-
removed, as unworthy of, or unequal to the trust committed
bour. He then corroborated the facts stated in this narrative,
to their charge.
by reading such parts of Admiral's Keppel's defence upon his
It might. be said, is not removal a kind of punishment
.11.6
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY.
[March
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY.
147
^
In some instances it certainly was not. Here it was
t 179-1
some degree of p
me
no direct communication with the sovereign; as they were
ant a,
unishment, or rather leading to it. he
removal was
had
i
t admitted to his councils; as their advice was never sought
ncidental, not directly personal, because the
object was the preservation of the state; the measure of Ile
taken; as no one part of the proposition stated in the
%I.
moral was the measure adopted to the attainmen
:notion, though fully proved, could reach them ; he did expect
objec
t of that
gentlemen occupying seats at that board, would not
t. He said, the journals of parliament contained
that the
several
take up the defence of their own conduct, as a proof of the
precedents of motions of removal, not proceeded -with upo
innocence of the first lord of the admiralty. If they could
evidence amounting to criminal conviction. Such were the
controvert the facts, or justify them, in that case the subject
cases of the Duke of Lauderdale and Lord Danby, in the
lay open to them, as it did to every other member ; but as
reign of Charles If.; of Lords Orford, Somers, and Halifax,
in that of King William ; of the Bishop of
they were not answerable for the state of the navy in June
'Worcester, in the
last, or at any preceding period ; as it was not by their advice
Queen's reign ; of Lord Oxford in the reign of George the
'First ; and of several others, whose names he did not
the squadron under Admiral Keppel was sent to sea; as they
diately recollect".
imme-
could not, in the usual exercise of the powers or functions of
. The propriety of the proceeding
manifest ; for if the mischief was great and the. evil
was
their office, be acquainted with the state and condition, the
alarming,
number and strength of the Brest fleet; in fine, as they were
and no other timely remedy could be applied, removal was
ignorant of the counsels which dictated the measure of sending
The only step that could suspend, or put a period to the evil.
Admiral Keppel to sea, they must, from these several ci •cum-
in the present instance, therefore, if' the grounds of com-
stances, be exculpated from all blame on that account; at
plaint were stifficient to support the resolution, it called for
least, from any thing which at present appeared to the con-
nothing more to justify removal. It might be said, are pro-
ceedings to stop here ? By no means. His motion
trary. The measure, whether wise or injudicious, presented
was this,
he said : " that it appears to this House, that the
itself to them, after it had been considered, matured, and
sending
determined upon elsewhere. They might retain contrary
Admiral Keppel, in the month of June last, to a station off
the coast of France, with a squadron of
opinions, but, as a matter of state, previously decided upon
20 ships of the line,
and four frigates, at a -time when a French fleet,
in his majesty's councils, they had nothing to do but to obey.
consisting,
The noble earl at the head of the admiralty, having all
as there is great reason to believe, of 32 ships of the line, and
certainly of 27,
necessary information, could only decide, and be alone re-
with a great number of frigates, was at Brest,
and ready to put to sea, was a measure greatly hazarding the
sponsible, and consequently he expected to hear that sort of
safety of.
justification which went to the measures and conduct of the
the kingdom, without any prospect of an adequate
a dvantage." He was free to ac
noble lord, only relied upon.
knowledge, that if he carried
He did not wish to be understood (for he was persuaded ot.
this motion, he would follow it with another for the removal '
of the first lord of the oda:drafty ; and it would then rest with
the contrary), that even if Admiral Keppel had been defeated,
and a descent had been made on this kingdom in conse-
that House, whether the facts stated in his motion would not
furnish matter sufficient to found upon it a
quence of that defeat, a conquest would have ensued; but he
peach anent.
parliamentary im-
submitted to the House, the very perilous situation this na-
tion, in such an event, would have been reduced to ; and how
He had thus declared his objects without reserve: he looked
upon Lord Sandwich to be the head and mouth of the admi-
incumbent it was upon the House to pass a marked censure,
ralty board, and of course, in every
and express the strongest displeasure at the conduct of those
sense':
conduct: and he was the
responsible for its
•
who had staked the fate of this country on the issue of so
more urged to say so, because it
would serve to shorten the debate, and prevent the
perilous a contest. In the first instance, the possibility of
several
having the seeds of all future navies, as it were, exterminated;
members of that board who were present in their places, from
mitering into personal j
in the second, putting us to the hazard of contending for our
ustifications. In their judicial and
ministerial capacity they were only
all with a raw, undisciplined militia, just embodied, and a
responsible: but as they
very inadequate military force, mostly composed of cavalry:
He would not carry his ideas as far as those entertained by
See New Parliamentary- History, Vol iv. pp. 62
the French, that a landing once made, the contest would only
1z66. 1299. Vol vi. p. so. Vol.
5 . 628. ,
Vol. v. pp. 1257-
IN- 74.
be, who should possess the Tower of London; but he would
nary thus much, that without an army, without fortresses to
L 2
48
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY. [March.
MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE ADMIRALTY.
149
interrupt them in their march from the water-side, our situs,
1779.1
tion would be indeed terrible. No man trusted more to
Mouse, but from the present full appearance, he trusted that
spirit and native bravery of Britons than he did; yet he
th
he House would call for them, or draw the obvious conclu-
t
could
not help thinking, that in the two possible, nay
sion. Be that as it might, if he could not procure the very best
probable,
events, of a partial destruction of our naval force, and s
proofs, he had submitted to the House the next best evidence,
it
invasion under the circumstances described, the ruin of
namely, the papers taken aboard the Licorne and Pallas,
our
trade and commerce then returning from the four quarters of
further corroborated, confirmed, and explained, by the tes-
the globe, to the amount of many millions, our want of mili-
timony of the honourable admiral in :his place. With that
tary preparation and internal strength, the effect the
intention, and with the permission of the House and his
whole
must have upon public credit, the fiicility of landing on our
honourable relation, he would put such questions to him, as
coasts, and of pouring in troops from time to time, to almost
he thought were necessary to prove to its satisfaction, the two
any amount, the means of supplying them with provisions in
leading facts stated in his motion, that of the number of ships
a few hours, till they had gained a footing in the country,
under the honourable admiral, and the force under the com-
all these held out such a correct picture of what might have
mand of M. D'Orvilliers, the day the former sailed from
j
been the consequences of a defeat at sea, as fully justified the
Plymouth.
highest censure of that House, on the authors of a measure
which risked at once our dearest interests, our
Admiral Koppel then gave personal testimony' on the subject.
independence,
nay, our very existence as a free nation.
Mr. Fox put several questions to him, which were answered sub-
He c
stantially as he had stated them in his speech. The admiral pre-
ommented on the part of the admiral's defence which
faced what he said by a few observations on the delicacy of his
he had read soon after he rose, and contended next that the
situation. He avowed the facts stated in his defence, respecting
treachery of ministers to their country, the persecution and
the condition of the fleet on his repairing to Portsmouth-in March;
prosecution of his gallant relation, demanded the utmost indig-
but acknowledged the subsequent exertions of the admiralty
nation of that House. He went into a variety of argumen-
board to have been meritorious. He said he was never more dis-
tative proofs to strew-, that instead of trusting to an inferiority
tressed than when, in consequence of the information acquired
in any engagement in the narrow seas, on which the fate of
from the Pallas and Licorne, he was compelled, for the first time
this country might possibly depend, we ought, as an
iu his life, to turn his back on the enemy.
, act of
necessary prudence and policy, always to endeavour to have a
decided superiority. Our insular situation, the nature of our
Mr. Fox declared he was perfectly satisfied with the
internal defence, demanded such a precaution, nay it was the
proofs contained in the answers given by his honourable
very idea of the noble earl at the head of the admiralty him-
relation, that the fleet sent under his command was con-
self, who had said, that we ought not only to be superior to
siderably inferior to that of France then preparing to sail
France alone, but that no person was fit to preside over
from Brest. He descanted on the negligence, obstinacy, or
,
the naval department, who did not, at all times, take care to'
designed treachery of ministers ; their credulity in trust-
have a naval force superior to the whole House of Bourbon
ing to the assurances of France, when so often warned from
united.
that side of the House, and when they had actual information
He begged leave to repeat, that he wished for the fullest
of the formidable naval armaments going on at Brest and
proofs of the truth of the facts stated in his motion; but
Toulon ; and their unpardonable inattention to the measures
ministers had refused them under various pretences. The
necessary for our home defence, and the security of our
House acquiesced in that refusal, and he had no more to say
distant possessions. The only defence administration could
on the subject, so flu' as it respected what had passed. The
set up was, either to plead that they did not know the
noble lord in the blue ribbon, besides saying that the papers .
effective strength of France, or that they did ; in either of
called for would give improper information to our enemies, said,
which cases, he should leave it with the judgment of the
that those papers would be necessary for the justification of
House, whether their conduct was not highly culpable ; and
ministers. The moment was then arrived, when they were
whether, in the first instance, they ought not to be imme-
called upon by the nature of the motion, to produce them in
diately removed, particularly the noble earl (of Sandwich),
their own defence. If they refused it, would it not be
who was, from his office, more especially responsible for the
facie
prima
evidence, that the production of them would make
measures pursued and adopted in the naval department ?
against and not for them ? They were refused in a very thin
His motion, as he observed before, did not go so far as the
L 3
ISO
MOTION OP ant= ON THE ADMIRALTY. [March 3.
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
7791
noble lord's removal; but, if it should meet with the approbation
of a majority of the House,. he meant most certainly to fol-
FOI's MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY, UPON THE
low it with a proposition to that effect. He then moved,
" That it appears to this House, that the sending Admiral
BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR WITH FRANCE.
Keppel, in the month of June last, to a station off the coast
• March 8.
of France, with a squadron of zo ships of the line, and 4
frigates at a time when a French fleet, consisting, as there is
THIS day at half past four, the House being, if possible, more
great reason to believe, of 32 ships of the line, and certainly
crowded than it was on the 3d instant,
of 27, with a great number of frigates, was at Brest, and
ready to put to sea, was a measure greatly hazarding the
Mr. Fox rose in pursuance of the notice he had given.
safety of these kingdoms, without any prospect of an adequate
Ile opened the grounds of his motion, which, he said, in
advantage."
several respects, resembled . that which he had submitted to
the House on the 3d instant. The difference between both
Lords North and Mulgrave defended the conduct of govern,
motions was this; the principle was the same, but the former
meat. The written documents, they said, were loose, indefinite,
one was particular and specific. It stated a fact which he was
without date, and. did not prove the existence of the ships for which
sure no gentleman in that House doubted of who had spent
they required anchorage, but rather the contrary ; and Admiral
a single thought upon it; nay, he would venture farther ;
Keppel's defence was of? no weight, being founded only on the
fact of which neither of the noble lords themselves (North and
information derived from these vague and deceitful papers. The
Mulgrave) who so strongly combated the motion, disbelieved,
testimony respecting the state of the fleet in March, was erro-
neous; as the motion was limited to June ; and official documents
" that Admiral Keppel went out in June with 20 ships of the
proved, that in July, 48 or 49 sail of the line were ready for
line, though there were then 27 certainly, if not 32, lying in
service. When Admiral Keppel sailed with zo ships, D'Orvilliers
Breast water." The present proposition was a general one :
did not venture to encounter him, but remained at Brest till the
it contained matter of public and universal notoriety ; it called
8th of July, and notwithstanding the admiral's return, his sailing
for no specific or narrowed proofs ; he would trust it to the
produced the advantage of facilitating the arrival of the home-
feelings and convictions of every honourable gentleman pre-
ward-bound fleets. The retreat was, however, censurable, being'
sent. That was the evidence he would adduce : that was the
founded on false information, and adopted without calling a coun-
ust tribunal he would appeal to; on that testimony, which
cil of officers. Admiral Keppel made several explanatory replies ;
j
he urged that the information obtained from the French frigates
every thinking man must secretly submit to, and every honest
Was proved true, by the engagement of the 27th of July, when
man avowedly declare, he trusted the fate of his motion. He
the very ships, manned and armed as described in those papers,
would not examine this gentleman to the number of -ships fit
were opposed to his squadron. Although he had not formally
for Channel service at the. time; he Would not trouble his
called a council, yet he consulted several officers individually, who
honourable relation to inform the House again, how many he
:concurred in the propriety of returning to port.
had under his command when lie fell in with the Licorne
The question being put on Mr. Fox's motion, the House di-
vided :
and the Pallas ; he would not trouble the noble lord over
Tellers,
the way (Lord Howe) to prove our inferiority in America;
Tellers.
Mr T. Townsli end I
nor the whole world to prove, that we had totally abandoned
YEA
{Lord Mulgrave
s Sir
Sir P. J. Clarke S
204:
Mr. Robinson .1
So it passed in the negative:
marks of defection, particularly among that part of the country gentlemen
who support administration, recalled both them and his other wavering
friends to the standard, by openly declaring, that the motion of censure
*4 " This was an unusual division on
against the first lord of the admiralty went directly to himself, and to all
the side of the minority ; and the
the other ministers; that there could be no discrimination; as they were
minister slimed a degree of passion and vehemence in different parts of
this debate, which was not at all customary with him. It was observed by
all equally concerned in the conduct of public aflitirs, they were all equally
liable to answer for the consequences; there could be no separate praise
some, who, from long experience, think they may form an opinion on the
or censure; whatever reached one, must reach the whole. Notwithstand-
appearances of things in that House, that the question would probably have
been carried in the affirmative, if the noble
in g this defeat, Mr. Fox did not abandon, he only shifted his ground; and
lord at the head of adminis-
keeping his object still steadily in view, brought the business-forward under
tration, having equally perceived the same indications, had not imMediately
intoat-
applied himself to prevent their effect. For that minister, observing strong
another form a few days after. As he hail given early notice of his
Lion, administrationrallied all their forces." Annual -Register.
L 4
152
MOTION ON THE STATE Or THE NAVY. [March
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
153
3
1779.]
our trade and commerce, our consequence and fortresses, i
that the naval peace establishment which took place in 17499
ll
the Mediterranean. No; he should avoid any of these form
upon an average of the five years taken together, amounted
s
so necessary to substantiate charges where there was the most
to no more than 938,0001. while the average of the latter five
glimmering ray of doubt or hesitation, whereon to hang a loop.
years amounted to 1,738,0001. per annum, or an increase of
But, was that the case here? No; he was certain it
double. This, then, led him to compare the expence
was not.
He should hear every &et and argument resorted to, but that
Yearly
of the navy at the commencement of the two succeeding wars,
of the terms of the proposition being not literally and sub-
to the peace establishments already mentioned. In the year
stantially true. He should not hear a syllable of the con-
175 6, the first of the late war, the expellees amounted to no
tents controverted, but a great deal about, " Why come to
more, including navy cxtraordinaries, &c. than what was
this vote at this time? If true, the danger is passed. Why:
voted in 1778, with this difference, however, that the navy
criminate without the necessary forms of legal or judicial pro-
debt of the fbrmer period was but 1600,000t.; whereas the
cess ? And above all, what madness to come to a vote, when
navy debt of 1 7 78 was considerably above two millions. Then
that very vote goes eventually not only to a censure of the
it was in proof, as well in point bringing conviction home
admiralty board, or rather the first lord of the admiralty; but
to gentlemen's minds, as supported by every mode adopted
to the final overthrow of administration, and those imme-
for discovering legal truth, that our peace establishment cost
diately connected or dependent upon it?" Before he pro-
us nearly double in the latter period to what it did in the
ceeded further, he begged leave to testify his entire appro..
former ; and that the whole of our naval expenditure in 1778,
bation of the conduct of the right honourable gentle/mu
exceeded what it was in 1756, by full half a million.
t
under the opposite gallery (Mr. Rice), for his prudence, sa-
If; then, our peace and war establishments, latterly, were
gacity, and foresight. The right honourable gentleman gave
superior in point of expence, the next obvious consideration
notice, on a former day, that lie would oppose the bill moved
would be, whether our naval preparation and effective strength
by an honourable friend respecting contractors, but he had
was proportionably superior, which might be reasonably ex-
declined the combat. He perceived, by the complexion of
pected; or whether it was even equal, which could hardly
the House, that a certain description of men, who came down
entitle those who had the management of it to any praise; or,
that day to give the minister their countenance and support
lastly, whether it was considerably inferior, and furnished just
on the present question, would withhold it on the other. He
cause for the censure of that House, and the well-founded
admired the right honourable gentleman's prudence. It
resentments of the people at large. By an authentic paper
would not be pleasant for the noble lord and himself to re-
which he held in his hand, it appeared, that the ships of the
main in a minority; it would have an alarming appearance,
line of battle in 1756, were no less than 8 9, while the present
and might in the end be productive of several very disagree-
first lord of the admiralty, in the first year of his war esta-
able circumstances.
blishment, was not able to make out above 4 2 ships of the
Such being the ground of public notoriety, such the un-
line, with a very deficient proportion of frigates. He should
interrupted current of public fame, such the acknowledg-
speak more particularly to that circumstance in his further
ments of administration themselves, he could scarcely recon-
progress; but he could not avoid making the proper use of
cile it to respect for that House, to go into any detailed proof
these facts, thus contrasted, because they went to prove a part
whatever, were it not as well to thew what ministers had not
of his motion, which stated one of the grounds for desiring
done, what they had neglected, and the promises they had
the House to agree with the vote of censure, that the state of
repeatedly made, as the means which the nation and that
the navy was not adequate to the sums voted ; because the
House had put into their hands, and the sanguine expecta-
sums voted during the last peace, were nearly double what
tions they had to form upon such means and such assurances.
they were the preceding, while the naval force, at the break-
To lay this as part of the basis on which his motion was
ing out of the former war, was more than double what it
to rest, he begged leave to state a few particular frets from
the papers
was at present.
on the table, which contained a series of five years
As the assertions of ministers formed another ground of
of peace at two respective periods; the one including the five
his intended motion, that consideration would bring him back
years following the treaty of peace entered into at Aix-la-
to the number of ships actually ready for sea at the begin-
Chapelle; the other the five years of peace preceding the year
ning of the year 1778. Towards the close of the preceding
1 775 . These he read in his place, by which it appeared,
year, in December 1/77, it was asserted. by a noble lord in
zQ
1 54
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
MOTION ON THE STATE OP THE NAVY.
[March 8.
779.1
the other House; he would not forbear to name him, the
first lord of the admiralty :
to do in any office but that in which he presided. lie was
it
serted, not in the
was Lord Sandwich who as.,
no minister but in his own department." But now the noble
warmthof debate, nor in a hurry or pas,
lord has totally changed his language : he has taken at least
sion of any kind, but coolly, gravely, and repeatedly in his
of the responsibility upon himself, and divided the rest
official character, that we had then 3
part
5 ships of the line ready
among his colleagues in office. Be it so ; he has' pledged
for immediate, actual service, and seven more would be ready
himself, and his cabinet friends, to all a
tt
oin.cileir
igti3rre.s of the
in a few days; and doubts having been started of the col..
admiralty board. The motion is framed
redness of this statement, as often as they arose, his
followed them up with this
lordship
honourable gentleman will now know how to conduct him-
observation, " That av
self. If he votes for the motion, he will give it his assent on
no person
was fit to be intrusted with the conduct of the nal affairs
the degree of truth which it presents; if he perceives its ten-
of this country, who did not at all times take care to have
dency, and sees that it involves a censure upon all his ma-
a navy equal to cope with, or superior to the whole united
's confidential servants, then all will be open to him; the
force of the House of Bourbon." This was the language of
jesty
question will present fairly the alternative, " Are such men
the noble lord in the months of November and
to be longer confided in, or is it better to trust to further
1777;
December
yet, in upwards of six months after, the whole naval
contingencies, or at once withdraw our support ?" The noble
force of Great Britain hardly amounted to the number stated
lord, by his conduct, or rather popular confidence, the last
by the noble lord; in March there were but six actually ready
night, brought the point to the issue now described; and,
and collected; and even in June, when his honourable
for his part, he was perfectly content, as he thought it much
relation
below him (Admiral Keppel) sailed, there were little more
better, as it respected every side of the House, that gentlemen,
than the number mentioned in D
additional
ecember, attended with this
when they were desired to vote, should know the full extent
circumstance, that, instead of being able to cope
to which the proposition made was intended to be carried.
with, or being superior to the united force of the House of
He then proceeded to his conclusions, which were, that
Bourbon, we were not, at the beginning of June and July,
our navy was not in a better and more formidable state at
even equal to France alone. On the 8th of July, the French
the end of the year 1778, than it was in 1754; that in 1756,
fleet, consisting of 32 ships of the line, with a
the expences of the navy were less by half a million than in
considerable
number of frigates, sailed from Brest; on the 9th,
1778; that in 1756 nevertheless, we had 89 ships of the line,
Admiral
Keppel sailed with only 24, though six had joined or fol-
though in 1778 we had not more than one half the number ;
lowed him, between that and the 23d of the same month.
that instead of being able to cope with, or being superior to
He did not confine these assertions to the noble lord in the
any-force which France and Spain united could send against
other House; for he had heard them frequently repeated,
us, we were not equal to France alone. This he endeavoured
confirmed, and stamped with the superscription 'of-ministerial
to show was the case in the month of July, in respect of the
authority, by the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and very often
home defence, of our force in America and in the Mediter-
urged and pressed by almost every member and friend to ad-
ranean. In June, and in the early part of July, we were
ministration in that House. He was likewise at liberty to
manifestly inferior to M. D'Orvilliers; in the Mediteranean,
add, that this motion neither tended to nor expressed any
exclusive
the inferiority. was clearly evident, and in America Lord
censure on the first lord of the admiralty, farther
Howe was manifestly inferior to M. D'Estaing. Hence it
than mere removal, on the grounds already mentioned,
was evident, that not only the ends were not proportioned to
his
incapacity or wilful neglect; the general censure was directed
the given means, but that the first lord of the admiralty and
to all the ministers equally. If he had retained any doubt
ministers in that House had broken their faith with the public,
upon the subject, the conduct of the noble lord (North) on
W
and were no longer worthy of public confidence.
ednesday put it beyond a question,
u
or the least degree of
He begged leave to anticipate one of the noble lord's great
ncertainty. The noble lord generously stepped forth, with
arguments, or rather pillars of debate. Says the noble lord,
all his popularity and interest in that House, to do what ?
" I was not the author of the American war. America re-
To shield his friend, to share his misfortunes, to rescue him
belled. I am not answerable for the events of the French
from his enemies, or to perish gloriously in the attempt.
war ; it was the perfidy of France that' made that kingdom
Formerly, the noble lord was content to share only so 'inuch
Abet our rebellious subjects. I did not encourage the Bos-
of the blame or credit of every measure: " He had nothing
tonians to destroy the tea, nor to rise, nor to fight, nor to
I 56
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY. [March 8,
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
157
1779'3
declare themselves independent, &c.": though the noble lord
with a prophetic spirit ; and when every day's misconduct
is conscious that he did not take a single step through the
brought us into that precise situation which openly invited the
whole business, that the next, on the part of America, or
France, was not literally foretold, which amounts just to this,
interferen ce of foreign powers, what was the language they
the noble lord confounds the cause with the effect, he presumes
adopted ? "Take care of France and Spain." And what were
the uniform answers? " The finances of France are exhausted,
that the effect took place before the cause, and the cause fol-
lowed the effect.
her income is not equal to the expences of her peace establish-
ment: her navy is annihilated : she is on the eve of national
While he was upon this part of the subject, he .said, it
bankruptcy: she is taxed to the utmost extent she is able to
would not be quite foreign to touch a little on the repeated
bear: she is without internal resources or credit. Spain is in
. assurances given by other ministers, as well as the noble earl
a condition equally imbecile, and is incapable of assisting
in the other House. When the first disturbances relative to
France, or of performing the terms of the family compact.
the destruction of the tea sent to America broke out in that
France or Spain, however well inclined, will not set so dan-
country, the language of the noble lord in the blue ribbon
gerous an example to their own colonies; they will not en-
was, " pass the Boston Port bill, and the necessities of the
courage, foment, or support rebellion in the British colonies,
people will compel them to submit." Well, the noble lord
lest the contagion may spread to those possessed by themselves
was mistaken, the people did not submit. Says the noble lord
in the New World. But allowing the worst that can possibly
again, " send a few regiments; and force the Port bill down
happen; grant that they should be instigated by motives of
the throats of the discontented and mutinous with powder and
mistaken policy, of revenge, of false and dishonest ambition,
ball." That recipe not proving efficacious, says the noble
their state of weakness and total inability, with our decided
lord, " we will hold out terms to them," which gave birth
superiority, will be our best security. They know it is in our
to his lordship's conciliatory proposition. The conciliatory
power to chastise them. France or Spain know better; and
proposition was, however, treated with the contempt and
if they were inclined to combine or unite against us, they are
derision which it merited. It imported this: " give us as
not so blind as not to foresee, that such a combination would,
much as you please, we will accept of it, and take afterwards
nay, must, terminate in their ruin and disgrace."
as much as we think fit, in addition ;" that is, " give us me-
thing, and we will then scramble for as much more as we can
'A time however arrived, when conjecture seemed to receive
some countenance from actual appearances. Mr. _Deane arrived
plunder you of, either by force, or stratagem." The noble
at Paris in the summer of 1776. I happened to be in Paris
lord finding himself baffled in all his plans, at length grew
soon after his arrival ; when I mentioned the circumstance in
disgusted and angry. The whole force of this country was to
this House, I was laughed at. The noble lord and his friends
be tried, the most vigorous measures were to he made; every
on his right and left hand observed, " that Mr. Deane might
thing was to be carried by the hand of strength, and America
have taken this trip for his amusement, or for business, or for
was to be brought to the feet of Great Britain, and submit to
curiosity, or at most in the character of a mere merchant ;" in
" unconditional submission." This high, this boastful lan-
short, every motive was assigned but the true one. All did
guage proved as vain-glorious, and the attempt as unpros-
not end here. Dr. Franklin soon followed, but ministers still
perous as every other, to bully and deceive, to cheat and
continued infidels, or affected it. Said the y, " the doctor is
frighten. The people of America had too much good sense
and resolution to submit to either.
an enthusiast; he is zealous in the cause which he has himself
produced into being. But whatever his errand might be, sig-
In these several stages, gentlemen on his side of the House
nified very little, the appearances of the court of Versailles
were not unmindful of their duty. As friends to their coun-
were such as might b.e trusted to with safety; they were of the
try, they reasoned, they argued, they ventured to predict.
most sacred and solemn nature. Dr. Franklin was treated
They did not perhaps they could not bring that species of
coldly, and . with manifest neglect, nay, with contempt. The
proof which was required to support a criminal charge in a
court of France refused to receive him in a public character."
court of law— they did not attempt to criminate, censure, or
in short, the opposite benches treated even every suspicion of
impeach ; they stated the facts which they heard; they were
'10
the kind, as the mere effect of visionary fear, or originating in
persuaded of the truth of many of them; they reasoned li-
u'd
faction, till that gentleman was known to have transacted busi-
berally, they foretold the probable consequences, they, con-
ness with the French King's ministers.
jured, remonstrated, and threatened. They unluckily spoke
So matters rested till a new scene unfolded itself, till the
158
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
159
[March 8.
17791
Tobacco contract was publicly known and acknow
concerns to men who, he was persuaded, would sacri,
ledged 6
the French court. Even then the appearance of
portant
them to their own dishonest and corrupt views?
delusion wa'
kept. up; for it could be no more. The lame and ridic
flee
idoi—
ls
Fie again returned to the substance of his motion, and en-
apology made by that court, was instantly adopted by
' to further particulars in support of it. He observed,
min
telt, into
in that House: " It was only a commercial
isteh
April, France detached twelve ships of the line, though
contract, dictated
by necessity. It had nothing political in it, nor any seed
Arenot able to detach an equal number till about the
s of
en
wer
hostility in its nature. Tobacco must be had, to secure to th
time in the month of :lune. We gave France full time
e-
- crown one of the most beneficial branches of its revenu
their purpose, had not the elements so remarkably
Great Britain could not,
e ,
ts
s‘lall
'icaee
to
in the present situation of
tbefriended us, which must have at once destroyed our naval
affirs.
supply the commodity, and a supply must be sought, whee'
force in America, and as the consequence of such an event,
only it could be had." So the delusion was kept up, till the
viva her a decided superiority in the European seas. If M.
signing of the treaty between France and the congress del
r
b'Estaing had not remained so long in the Mediterranean,
ates could be no longer concealed; not when it was known
which was occasioned by adverse winds, it was probable that
in that 'House, far• lie had communicated it in his place, in ten
he would have reached the coasts of America befrore Mr.
days after it Was signed ; but when the rescript delivered by
ron left Plymouth. There were papers on the table which
By
the Count de Noailles, almost four weeks after that com-
shelved. that ministry were acquainted with D'Estaing's desti-
munication, rendered the further concealment totally imprac-
nation before he even sailed. Knowing that circumstance, if
ticable.
they were able, why did they not detach as soon as the fact
The folly, madness and delusive arts of the noble lord in
came to their knowledge; or if they were not able, which he
the blue ribbon, and dmini
s
ters in both Houses of parliament,
believed was the truth, why did they not) send out a few ships,
were nevertheless exerted as strongly during the intermediate'
at least, to put the noble lord over the way (Lord Howe)
period, between the actual signing and the delivery of the
nearly upon an equality with D'Estaing? On the contrary,
rescript, as at any former one. " No such treaty," it was
the noble lord was left to chance, to meet an enemy infinitely
said, " existed. France had neither the will nor ability to
superior, and the fate of the fleet under his command, and the
carry it into execution." And to conclude the whole of this
army of course, exposed to imminent danger. The superior
political, farcical delusion, they desired parliament to agree to
genius of the noble lord, it was true, stood unrivalled; for, by
the passing of certain acts, and to the delegating certain
an effort which had exalted him in the opinion of those who
powers to commissioners, though ministers, as it had since
thought most favourably of him, and had, if possible, rendered
come out in actual proof, knew at the very instant they pro-
him iimore dear than ever to his grateful country, lie rescued it
posed them, that they must prove totally nugatory, and serve
from
a blow which, if it had proved successful, must have•pro-
only to render this country despicable in the eyes of all Europe.
duceadpsconsequences
uences which
it mist have
h ave long
and which
He presented this argument in a variety of lights, and drew
never be retrieved;
retri
but notwithstanding
standi nwg
perhaps
the following inference; that ministers acted under the domi-
noble
ii:.le'csi. but even
bravery and ability, had the French
nion of the grossest and dullest ignorance, and were therefore,
fleet arrived
it
x clays sooner, his experience and pro-
unworthy of public trust or confidence; or from sinister, cor-
fessional skill would
l
h
ent
no have been sufficient, He must, with
rupt, and concealed motives, and further urged by some
l
the whole of his evensf
little force, have fallen a sacrifice, and with
powerful criminal influence, operating upon their minds, had
, perhaps, the naval power and glory of Great Britain.
wilfully misled, and by a studied series of delusions and a
-,°:theFnoirotunnc, indeed, had been very kind to us. We had had
preconcerted plan of impositions, had imperceptibly dragged,
te
in almost every quarter of the globe. She had
or rather allured, this infatuated country to the very verge of
c
oocen our constant attendant. The ministry, on a former night,
destruction. This was a dilemma from which neither the blind
mplained of ill luck ; but he would balance the account with
confidence nor studied plausibility of the noble lord in the blue
,
L tat score, though lie was persuaded that fortune had
Lamy (.
ribbon could extricate him. The alternative was, that minis-
fairly leclared on their side. He would therefore try them
ters were either ignorant or treacherous. If ignorant,
the merit
was
merit and wisdom of their measures. The noble lord
there a gentleman in that House who would trust his dearest
already alluded to could soon satisfy the House on that head.
and nearest concerns to such men ? If treacherous, where was
He could readily inform the House how inferior we were to
Pr
•
the person who would be mad enough to trust his most
ranee
lai-
111 America, as it was HOW well known and acknow-
r 6
16o
CENSURE ON ADMINISTATION.
[Mara 22.
CENSURE ON ADMINISTRATION.
161
070
lodged, we had been in Europe. How did this accord with
use, would, by the noble lord in the blue ribbon, be called
kjo
the opinion of the noble earl in the other House, who
strange one; for so he observed it was the fashion with the
pre-
sided at the admiralty board, " that the minister ought to lose
noble lord to term every motion which was proposed from that
his head, who had not a fleet equal, if not superior to the
ide of the House; and which did not immediately meet the
combined fleets of France and Spain?" That assertion was
s
,
,,•shes of the noble lord. He should nevertheless proceed to
and ever would be, alive in his memory. That noble lord had
open his motion, or rather his two motions, to the House; for
forfeited his word to the public; he had pronounced his own
he had two to propose, and which, as they in a manner de-
condemnation ; nor did he see upon what ground those who
pended upon each other, he had thought it right to propose
had hitherto supported the present administration, could con-
and speak to on the same day; at the same time assuring the
tinue to support them in the pursuit of measures which, from
House, that he meant not to trouble them with any other mo-
the very commencement, were impracticable; which were ren-
tion till after the holidays, when he should offer one more,
dered still more so in their progress; and, above all, how that
which would generally refer to all that he had already had the
House could put a further trust in men who had forfeited all
honour of moving in that House. He observed, that he had
future confidence, from repeated breaches of public faith, and
made several propositions, stating that our navy was not ade-
that in instances, where the honour, interest, nay, the very
quate to the necessary services, from time to time; which had
existence of this country were most materially concerned.
been negatived, on the grounds stated by the King's servants,
The honourable gentleman concluded with moving, "That
that xve had 3 5 ships ready for actual service in November
it appears to this House, that the state of the navy, on the
1777, and seven in a state of preparation so as to be ready for
breaking out of the war with France, was very unequal to
sea in a fortnight, and that in June 1778, our naval force was
what this House and the nation were led to expect, as well
`such as to be adequate to all the services required. He had.
from the declaration of his majesty's ministers, as from the
made a motion directly the reverse, but the opinion of the.
great sums of money granted, and debts incurred, for that
House was against him. His present motion would be en-
service, and inadequate to the exigencies of the various services
grafted on this negative, which lie knew to be false, viz. " That
for which it was the duty of his majesty's ministers to have
our navy in the month of June last was adequate to the im-
provided at so important a crisis."
portant crisis." This being the ground of his first motion,
and of his second, it would be productive of this dilemma ;
The motion was opposed by Lords Mulgrave and North ; and
that our force having been adequate, and not properly em-
supported by Lord Howe, Admiral Keppel, Sir Horace Mann,
ployed, administration were deserving of censure ; or, if ade-
Mr. Temple Luttrell, Mr. Grenville, Mr. Byng, and Mr. Burke.
At one the House divided on Mr. Fox's motion
quate, that then it must follow of course, that the House, in
Tellers.
putting a negative on his motion, had resolved what could not
Tellers.
I
YEA S Lord J. Cavendish 1
Lord Beaucham p
he supported either by fact or reason.
Mr. T. Townshendi -171-" "
Ns t Mr. C. Townshen
His first motion, lie said, was, that the not sending a rein-
d s 246.
So it passed in the negative.
forcement to Lord Howe at New York sooner last year, was a
gross piece of misconduct and neglect in his majesty's servants :
his second, that the not sending a fleet to the Mediterranean
last year was also a piece of gross misconduct and neglect.
The two propositions wer6 substantially, he said, the same,
Ma. Fox's
though directed to two different objects; because, if Dyed
MOTION OF CENSURE ON A DMINISTRA'T'ION FOR
had been reinforced, or the Streights of 'Gibraltar
NOT SENDING OUT REINFORCEMENTS TO LORD HOWE AT
RQWC
NEW YoRK.
watched, in either event the effect would be similar ; that of
securing to Lord Howe the full advantage of the force under
illarch
• his command, or giving him a superiority in case the•Toulon
22.
squadron was permitted to cross the ocean. Here, then, the
ON tlie order of the day being read,
alternative was, that either our naval force was adequate in the
months of February, March, &c. to these services, or it was
Mr. Fox rose. He began with observing, that possibly the
not; if adequate, the not reinforcing Lord Howe was, in the
resolution he should have the honour of proposing to the
VOL. I.
162
CENSURE ON ADMINISTRATION.
[March 22 .
CENSURE ON ADMINISTRATION'.
163
s779.]
terms of his motion, a gross piece of misconduct and ne
charge o misconduct and neglect
glect;
controvertibly proved the
if inadequate, which he had no doubt was the fact, the ce4,
en
and of course, that those gentlemen who voted uponneglect,-
sure contained in his motion was equally well merited.
pendent principles were neither bomid by previous engage-
Having surrounded ministers with this dilemma, froul
ments, subsequent measures, nor any obligation of honour, to
Which he contended it was impossible to extricate them, he
vote against their conscience and conviction.
proceeded to explain what he deemed to be the true point at
He then animadverted on the conduct of the noble lord,
issue, from what had fallen from gentlemen within doors, and
whose arrogance, he said, was unpardonable. His unreserved
from what he had heard in conversations without ; that some
contempt of the whole body of the people of England, without
independent part of the House voted with administration, net
doors, was no less indecent than ungenerous. To treat his
because they believed the force adequate, but upon motives of
best benefactors in so haughty a stile as to lump them indis-
conscience and justice. Said they, " We have brought mi..
criminately under the appellation of 44 populace, and coffee-
sisters into a dirty lane; we have encouraged them to prose-
house readers," was a language that did not become any
cute the American war; let us bring them through, and not
member of that House, much less a minister, who, to be able
basely desert them in the moment of distress, occasioned by
to serve his country, should always endeavour to be popular,
measures of which we have been the authors." This mode of
and secure the good opinion of the people in his favour ; much -
reasoning, he said, was apparently mistaken, and the motives
less, a minister who had led them by the arts of specious de-
misconceived; they had not brought ministers into the Ame-
lusion into those dirty ways, which it would be very difficult
rican war, but ministers had led them into it by misrepresent-
to wade through, without the utmost danger from surrounding
ations of all kinds, by promises broken as.often as they were
perils. He presumed, the noble lord included every person
made, by false hopes, false fears, and by every species of poli-
who differed with him under the contemptuous description of
tical delusion. He then made a particular application of the
populace and coffee-house readers; but he begged leave to
whole of the measures respecting the American war, the pro-
remind his lordship, that his former motion was supported by
mise of a revenue, of obtaining unconditional submission, and
174 independent members, while those who voted with him
finally, with giving up every object contended for at the out-
were either persons who, from their situations, were in a great
set, and promised in the future progress of the business. He
measure obliged to support him, or were composed of those
charged the noble lord in the blue ribbon with an act of pub-
gentlemen who erroneously imagined that they were bound in
lic perfidy, with a breach of a solemn specific promise. He
honour to get him through the dirty lane, into which his lord-
reminded the House, that in February 177 5, his lordship
ship—not they—had led the way.
moved his Conciliatory Proposition ", and pledged his honour
Speaking of the present ministers in general, he said, they
to the House and nation, that he would never agree to any
were so lost to every sense of shame, that they exerted their
measure which should go to enlarge the offers therein made;
influence in that House in a manner equally disgraceful to
yet, at the end of three years, after sacrificing thirty millions
themselves, and to those who supported them. Their argu-
of money, and 3o,coo lives, his lordship, in the same assembly,
ments in controversion of his late motions — motions which
not only solemnly renounced all claim to superiority, revenue,
were founded on indisputable facts—facts which were admitted
;Ind internal legislation, but consented, by the mouth of his.
every where but within those walls reminded him of
commissioners, to the giving up the monopoly of the Ameri-
what he had once read in a book written by a man of acknow-
can trade, the appointment of governors, and all subordinate
ledged abilities, though his principles were not much admired.
officers, and the royal prerogative of keeping up or sending an
The writer he alluded to was Mr. Hobbes, who in one of his
army in any part of the empire his majesty might think proper.
prefaces speaking of the powerful operation of self-interest in
From this state of filets he drew this conclusion ; that ministers
all matters of controversy, said that there were men who for
had led the parliament into the war, and had broken the pro-
the sake of argument, when -upon that argument depended
mises which induced parliament to adopt the measure; that
their emolument, would strenuously contend that three angles
the motion, as stated by him, involved a dilemma which in-
of a triangle were not equal to two right a
g
leis;_u aiiic)1 that
sooner than give up their interest they would their
reason, and hold arguments directly repugnant to every prin-
See p. 36.
ciple of reason or common sense. He applied this quotation
to the conduct of ministers and their adherents.
M 2
164 MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWICH. /,{April 19,
n 3 MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWICH.
165
177Y.
He declared, that his motion warranted a great deal more
destitute of any proof to support it. It would be said,
totally destitut
of argument than lie had used, but as he had taken up the
not the facts, or presumed facts, which have been
time of the House, perhaps too much of late, and as in the
on former occasions, been rejected by so many distinct
discussion of the several motions he had the honour to offer
urged
negatives, in the manner they were separately proposed? That
within the course of the last four weeks, the substance of his
is, shall we now agree to come to a general vote of censure,
present motion, and of every thing which referred to it, had
upon an accusation which has been negatived in all its consti-
been introduced into debate, he would no longer trespass on
tuent parts Shall we, in the capacity of judges, proceed to a
the patience of gentlemen or mis-spend the time of the House.
direct censure of the party accused, though we have given a
He therefore read his motion, " that the not sending any rein-
previous opinion, that not one of the allegations is true ?" The
forcement to Lord Howe before the month of June last, was an
reasoning, lie confessed, had something in it, otherwise he
instance of neglect and misconduct in his majesty's servants."
should not have given the House or himself the trouble of
His other motion was, "that the not sending a fleet to the
taking notice of it; and he would meet it in this way :
Mediterranean, was an instance of misconduct and neglect in
That although the House did not concur in a vote of censure
the king's servants, especially considering the early intelligence
on any one of the separate grounds of. accusation, it might
they had of the equipment of the Toulon fleet."
well concur upon the whole charge collectively taken. The
waste of public money, the promises of the noble lord,
great
The motion was opposed by Lord Mulgrave, Lord North, Mr.
our inadequate state of defence in June, the neglect of rein-
Dundas, Governor Johnstone, and Lord Germain • and supported
forcing the noble lord (Howe) over the way, when the fate
by Mr. Burke, Lord Howe, General Conway, and Colonel Barre.
The House divided
almost of America depended upon it; the abandoning the
on the first motion : Yeas 1 35 : Noes 209.
The second motion was withdrawn.
trade and fortresses in the Mediterranean, &c. might not con-
tain singly sufficient cause of removal in the opinion of a
majority of that House; but taking them in the aggregate,
they would furnish matter well worthy of the vote of censure,
which be was about to move, on the ground of wilful neglect
or gross incapacity.
MR. Fox's MoTioN
The reason of such a mode of determining upon a complex
FOR THE REMOVAL OF THE EARL or
SANDWICH, FIRST LORI) OF THE ADMIRALTY.
charge was obvious, and was plainly within the inquisitorial
power of the House. The House was competent to enquire,
April
to examine, and censure. Their jurisdiction could not extend
19.
to punishment. They might accuse, but could not punish
HE order of the day being read,
any man, much less any one of their own body, in any other
but by expelling him. When criminal charges, reciting
Mr.
way
Fox rose to make his promised motion, which lie gave
specific offences, were made, they could only be decided upon
notice of before the Easter recess, for the removal of the first
in courts of criminal justice. On these occasions the House
lord of the admiralty from his office, and from his majesty's
of Commons, upon impeachments, acted as the grand inquest
presence and councils. He observed, that lie would take up
of the nation. The present proceedin g was of a different na-
very little of the time of the House. He meant only to recapi-
ture, and did not call for that specification and certainty, which
tulate the facts which he had brought forward in support of
the law justly and wisely required when a man was questioned
his former propositions. It would be sufficient barely to state
in a court of criminal judicature, and put upon a trial, on the
them, for the purpose of calling them back to the recollection
issue which might depend his honour, his property, and
of the House, and present them anew in two different forms :
leis life.
namely, as the state of the navy in 1778 bore a relation to the
Such being the true nature of votes of censure, for removal
naval power of France, and its comparative strength with that
only, as contradistinguished from accusations specifically made
of a former period of naval preparation and war in this country.
and crimes distinctly alleged; it followed that the same degree
To the motion itself; as a proposition to which the assent of
of proof was not necessary ; and such had been the usage of
the House was desired, he expected to hear one plausible and
general answer
that House upon similar occasions, some of which be had
given. He expected to hear it objected to as
mentioned in a former debate in cases of votes of removal,
31 3
166 MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL Or SANDWICH. [April rg.
1,779.] MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWIC1-1.
167
'Without relying totally upon former precedents, in support
us from the consequences of that situation. It would be the
of the doctrine now laid down, though of an age too young
last degree of folly and. madness to expect, that a person, who
to entitle him to a seat in that House, he remembered, that
his ignorance and gross misconduct, had brought or suffer-
by
he had been present at several debates on the Middlesex elec..
ed this country to fall from the highest pinnacle of fame, re-
tion, when an honourable gentleman, now a member of that
spectability, and naval glory, to the last stage of national
House (Mr. Wilkes) was expelled upon an aggregate charge,
degradation, weakness, and disgrace, contrary to every prin-
such as that on which the present motion was founded. He
ciple of public opinion and experience, was nevertheless equal
was charged in the original motion, for publishing the North
to the very arduous task of acting as the saviour of his country,
Britain, No. 4 5 ; for writing an impious and profane pain-
and the guardian of its interests, prosperity, and reputation.
phlet, intituled An Essay on Woman ; for writing a libel on
He next proceeded to enumerate the several charges of
a noble viscount (Weymouth) then in high office, relative to
misconduct, incapacity, or wilful negligence, which he had
the transactions in St. George's Fields, on the loth of May,
brought against the noble earl in his three motions before the
1768 ; and for being outlawed. Here, then, were four se-
holidays. He observed, that the noble lord had asserted, in
parate charges collectively taken as a good ground of expul-
another assembly, on the zoth of November, 1777, in reply
sion. The argument of those who supported the propriety of
to a noble lord since deceased (the Earl of Chatham), that
the vote, when pressed to take the sense of the House upon
there were on the preceding clay, to wit, on the 19th of No-
the several charges mentioned, was, would it be proper to ex-
vember, 42 sail of the line ready and almost ready for sea ;
pel him for any one of them ? No ; none of those charges
3 5 actually ready, whose complements were 20,300 seamen
separately considered, would justify the vote, but collectively
and marines; 18,000 and a considerable fraction of which
taken, they were sufficient.
were already aboard, and upwards of 3,000 seamen and ma-
He remembered the persons who took the lead in that busi-
rines not shipped, which would more than supply the defi-
ness: they were the seine who he expected would oppose the
ciency ; that there were seven more ready to take their
present motion. He hoped, therefore, that they would either
complements aboard, which could be easily procured in a very
decline any opposition on the present occasion, or acknow-
few days upon an emergency, by calling in the protections and
ledge that they acted unfairly and unjustly in the instance
issuing press-warrants. This was the noble lord's solemn as-
alluded to. Whatever his hopes might be, he had very little
surance in another place, but what truth there was in that
solid reason to expect so much candour at their hands; at all
assurance might be easily gathered from this circumstance;
events, they would stand convicted in the opinion of every im-
that when Admirals Keppel and Byron went to sea in the month
partial person ; they would stand convicted of making their
of June following, his greatest efforts in the course of seven
avowed doctrines and principles give way to their conve-
months, the last of which was a. period of war preparation,
nience.
produced no more than 4 2; twenty being sent under Mr.
But independent of the precedent he had just mentioned,
K.eppel, thirteen under Mr. Byron, and nine sent upon mis-
his motion would stand fully justified from its nature and the
cellaneous services, to the West Indies, North America, &c.
object it pointed to ; for the question would shortly amount to
He arraigned the bad policy of totally neglecting the Medi-
this, without the shadow of criminality attending it—is the
terranean, and not sending a squadron there on the first
first lord of the admiralty equal to discharge the functions of
notice received of the formidable armaments going on at Tou-
his office with safety to the state and with honour to the na-
lon ; and if that measure was thought hazardous, there was
tion? Has he done it; or what reasons have parliament to
not, he said, even a colour of cause, for not detaching, in
suppose, if he has not performed his duty heretofore, that he
order to reinforce Lord Howe.
will act more wisely or capably hereafter ? In fair argument
He condemned the sending out Admiral Keppel with 20
and common sense, the strong probability is, that he will not.
ships to go in search of an enemy greatly superior : and con-
Suppose the noble lord ever so indefatigable, ever so zealous
tended, that it was big with danger, and might have terminated
or well inclined, the obvious deduction is, that according as
most fatally, had not the honourable admiral most for-
the difficulties increase, his inability to provide against them
tunately fallen in with the Pallas and Licorne French frigates,
will likewise increase. It would, indeed, be absurd, romantic,
and taken them, by which means lie discovered, to his utter
nay monstrous to presume, that the author of our very alarm-
astonishment, that ministers had risked his whole fleet, in
ing situation, should be the only person in the nation, to rescue
order to preserve appearances which they meant to keep with
iv 4
168 MOTION TG REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWICH. [April 19.
1779.] MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWICH. 169
the people. They supposed, that Admiral Keppel might pos..
After dwelling for a considerable time on these circum-
sibly not meet with the enemy, or if he should, that whether
flight
stances, he mentioned several others of a less important na-
or defeat was the consequence, they might be enabled by
ture ; one in particular, to show the predilection which the
their arts, by their emissaries every where, and their hirelings
admiralty-board had manifested in respect of ordering Admiral
in print, to shift the blame off their own shoulders, and lay it
Keppel to be tried, though his accuser, Sir Hugh Palliser,
upon the admiral, the officers, and seamen. Their subsequen t
the next clay but one, after the order was issued for that pur-
conduct proved their disposition towards the admiral, and
pose, acknowledged in the face of the nation in that House,
their real intentions. For when they found themselves no
that he brought his accusation merely from motives of self-de-
longer able to impose on the people, by its being known that
fence, and to exculpate himself from a charge of disobedience
the admiral returned for a reinforcement, they were urged by
made by his commander-in-cliief.
rage and disappointment, and sheaved every mark of it in the
As a farther proof of the partiality of the admiralty-board,
whole of their subsequent conduct. The first lord of the ad-
which lie considered to be entirely influenced, or rather direct-
miralty never thanked the admiral for returning, nor either
ed by the noble earl, he said, four of the members sitting upon
approved or disapproved of his taking the two frigates; but
the trial of the vice-admiral of the blue were persons, who on
permitted him to go to sea again without giving the least token
the former court-martial, had given the most fitvourable testi-
of approbation whatever, further than a cold official letter.
mony respecting his conduct in the action off Lrshant; and
The noble lord, however, did not long conceal his senti-
likewise, that the persons summoned to give evidence were
ments under the mask of coolness and indifference. His
such, who either knew least from their distance from the
lordship soon acted in an hostile manner; fb•, though he
Formidable, or were otherwise less positive or direct in their
knew that Sir Hugh Palliser had accused, in a public print,
12
testimony.
y a letter signed with his own name, his commander-in-chief;
This led him to the effect probably intended to be pro-
and though his lordship afterwards knew, that the vice-admiral
duced by this trial, which originated in motives of revenge to
of the blue had declined to call for a court-martial to enquire
his honourable relation Admiral Keppel ; for if by any ma-
into his conduct, merely on the pretence of not obstructing
nagement, the vice-admiral should be acquitted, the inference
the public service; yet in a few days after, when that gentle-
would be, that having done his duty, there must have been.
man preferred an accusation, without any cause whatever in-
misconduct somewhere, which he was persuaded they would
tervening, the accusation was received, and instant orders the
endeavour by this oblique manner to lay to the account of the
same day given to the admiral to prepare for his trial.
commander-in-chief
How was it possible, for any man of honour or spirit, to
When he said this, he begged that gentlemen might un-
serve with any safety to his person or character under such
derstand, that he meant not to throw the least suspicion, much
men, whose whole conduct was fraught with oppression and
less a direct imputation upon the officers alluded to. He
malice ? It was a situation no independent man would submit
stated the fact as it struck him ; and it was fair to argue upon
to. It was a situation from which every wise and prudent
it and reason by analogy to the conduct of other tribunals.
man would ily with horror and disgust. The consequences
He understood it was a good ground of challenge to a juror,
were already felt in some instances; Lord Howe and Admiral
if he was even suspected of entertaining a bias one way or
Keppel were driven from the service; the whole body of sea
other. He thought it a very proper precaution, and the rest
officers were discontented; and that zeal, spirit, union, and
son was obvious; because the law presumes, that the juror is
confidence, which was the very life of military enterprize and
wholly to be guided by the evidence of the facts alleged or
success in war, was fled, and the whole navy divided and split
controverted, and not by any pre-conceived opinion of his
into factions. How the whole would terminate was more than
own. The tenor of his oath is the same with that taken by a
he could venture to predict; but one thing was pretty evident,
member of a court-martial, who is restricted by it, to give a
that the discontents among those to whom the defence of the
verdict according to the evidence adduced in court, and not
country was entrusted, bore a very alarming and ominous ap-
from any opinion formed upon his own knowledge or pre-
pearance; and if some remedy was not speedily applied, he
sumed knowledge.
foresaw, that ministers would finally accomplish that ruin, by
As a farther reason for his being persuaded, that the noble
their faction and intrigue, the foundation of which they had
laid by their incapacity.
earl all along acted from the same principle of secret enmity
and resentment to his honourable relation, be observed, that
170 MOTION TO REMOVE THE EARL OF SANDWICH. [April 19.
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
171
1719']
after one of the most respectable courts-martial that ever sat
stand from Georgia, was a demonstration, that the expedition
had pronounced the charge brought by the vice-admiral of
/ that province was planned in weakness, and under the mis-
the blue to be malicious and ill-founded, ministers took no
to
taken idea, that the body of the people were attached to the
one step to shew, that they were convinced of the justice of
British government. He said,. that the force was inadequate
Admiral Keppel's acquittal, or of the infamy with which his
either to effect conquest, or give that degree of protection
accuser had been branded by that passage in the sentence of
which- was necessary to unite the loyalists or neutrals to the
acquittal, nor would since, if he had not given notice, that lie
meant, as the next day, to make a motion, which they learned
was intended for the vice-admiral's removal. When that day
°Y;41e stpai-Odtaels.ctled before he sat down, that lie entertained no
arrived, instead of ex pressing a syllable of d
personal pique or resentment against the noble lord at the
isapprobation of
bead of the admiralty. His motives proceeded from his zeal
Sir Hugh Palliser, a noble lord (Mulgrave) who enjoys a seat
at the a
f'or the good of his country. Uninfluenced by factious or
dmiralty-board, rose and acquainted theHouse, that
party views, he stood forth in behalf of the state, which, if not
Sir Hugh had sent in his resignation, and that the board had
rescued out of the hands, to whom the reins of government
accepted it. Still, however, he retained the lieutenant-gene-
were entrusted, must certainly be ruined, he feared irretriev-
ralship of the marines, and his government of Scarborough
ably undone. The part he had taken, was disagreeable and
castle, till ministers again learned, that a motion to remove
painful on many accounts; so much so, that nothing could
him from those two posts was meditating. -Here they found
have urged him to it but a thorough persuasion, that the pre-
themselves compelled to do what they feared might have been
sent or some similar motion, presented the only probable
forced upon them. Accordingly the noble lord in the blue
means for saving the nation, and for the recovery of its former
ribbon, with no small share of visible reluctance, found out,
power, reputation, and glory. He finally moved, " That an
that Sir Hugh Palliser had tendered a resignation of his com-
bumble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be
mand in the marines and his government, and that his ma-
graciously pleased to remove from his presence and councils
- jesty had been pleased to accept them. In short, he believed,
John Earl of Sandwich, as first commissioner of the admiralty,
there was not a second instance in the annals of this or any
on account of the general ill state of the navy, under his ad-
other country, of a person who had been so publicly disgraced j
ministration, at the most critical seasons."
being permitted to retain places of such rank, emolument,
and consequence, without any intention of removing him, till
The motion was warmly supported by Admiral Keppel, Mr.
by an unexpected address to the throne for his removal, the
James Grenville, Lord Howe, Mr. Thomas Townshend, Colonel
consequences of which his majesty's advisers did not think
Barre, and Lord John Townshend ; and opposed by Lord Mel-
prudent to risk, they found themselves obliged to acquiesce.
grave, Governor Johnstone, Lord North, Mr. Welbore Ellis, and
He laughed, he said, at the pompous accounts of our suc-
Captain Walsingham. The House divided on the question at a
cesses in the East and West Indies, which made their way
late hour, when Mr. Fox's motion was rejected by a majority of
into the London Gazette, and said, they were of very little
tt()lt;:8, who voted for the removal of the first lord of the
consequence, when it was considered how dearly they were
221
d.dmiri
purchased; particularly the latter, where one half of the
troops were dead or dying in hospitals; nor did he think the
news just received from Georgia, was of consequence sufficient
to balance the hazard and expellee attending it. He said, he
understood that Colonel Campbell was arrived from Georgia
ENQUIRY INTO THE CONDUCT OF THE AMERICAN WAR
the night before, and had brought an account of a victory
aainecl over the Americans, but this victory came accompa-
April 29.
nied with a requisition for an immediate reinforcement. Our
very victories and successes were nearly as fatal as our defeats.
THE House having resolved itself into a committee to enquire
The troops under General Grant, the finest and best disci-
into the conduct of the American war, Sir William Howe
plined in the world, must return to America or Europe, or
moved for the examination of Earl Cornwallis. The question was
remain only to fall a prey to disease and the effects of a
put to him, " Upon what points he meant to interrogate the
noble lord?" to which the general replied, " to the general con-
noxious climate ; and the return of the second (Deicer in corn-
duct of the American war; to military points generally and par-
I 72
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
[April 2
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
173
I779']
ticularly." These words were eagerly seized by Lord North
under the most scandalous pretence, that the House was not
who, working them up with the original into the form of
competent to receive or decide upon evidence respecting the
amendment, under that colour nearly framed a new motion, which,.
he knew carried its own rejection along with it. The words of the
conduct of military commanders. The noble lord in the blue
ribbon, who had recourse, because he was driven, to this piti-
motion in that state were, " That Lord Cornwallis be called in
ful shift, well knew that the question fairly before the commit-
and examined relative to general and particular military points,
touching the general conduct of the American war."
tee was, whether the plans were practicable, or the instruc-
tions such as could be defended ? Afraid to meet the issue,
Mr. Fox said, that the intended effect of the motion, was
his lordship raised an objection, which he knew, if carried by
a public avowal of ministers to suppress all enquiry into their
the amendment, would amount to a dissolution of the corn-
conduct. How was it possible to judge whether they acted
inittee.
right or wrong, until it was first known whether their plans
What did the papers on the table present? a string of con-
and instructions were founded in wisdom, or were in them-
tradictions between the general and the cabinet. The minis-
selves practicable? How could that be known but by the
ter at the head of the finances, after several breaches of pro-
jopinions of officers serving on the spot, who were the best
mise and fillse predictions, tells the House, that the whole
udges how far the plans were practicable, or the force tide,
strength of the nation shall be exerted ; that 7o,000 men and
quate ? America was lost; forty millions of money and
a suitable navy shall be the consequence of those exertions.
30,000 lives had been already expended ; the correspondence
The general and admiral accept upon those conditions ; the
on the table contained opinions diametrically opposite to each
men and ships are voted ; 70,000 men appear upon paper,
other ; the commander-in-chief says in his letters to the noble
while little more than half the number ever appear in array.
lord, the secretary of state for the American department,
America is lost ; the general is blamed for not performing im-
44 I
want 20,000 men for the ensuing campaign, and I cannot ex-
possibilities, and impossibilities previously and timely stated
/let to succeed with a less reinforcement."
by him ; but when a proposition is made, to know which party
44 No," says the
noble lord in his answer, 44
is wrong, or which is right: No, say the offenders and au-
I cannot let you have so many : I .
can let you have 6 or 7,00o. You are going to Pennsylvania,
thors of our misfortunes, the truth can only be known in one
where great numbers will resort to the royal standard ; you
mode by the means of a particular species of proof; and that
may by that means recruit your army to the necessary com-
we are'determined you shall not have.
plement." Well, the honourable commander proceeds, at the
Such was the case of his honourable friend near him (Gene-
head of a force he deems inadequate ; his army is not recruit-
ral Burgoyne). That gentleman undertakes a certain service
ed in the manner foretold by the noble lord ; the operations
with a certain force ; he never gets half that force; he desires
miscarry. How, then, can the House judge on this affirma-
discretionary powers ; he is refused them. By a letter on the
tive and this negative ? Only by knowing from officers of rank
table, he disapproves of employing savages ; he is compelled
on the spot, which of the two honourable persons was in the
to employ them. The noble lord, who approved of the ori-
right ; he that said such a force was adequate, or he that said
ginal plan, who neglected to perform his part of it, who struck
such a force was not ? It put him. in mind of two lines in an
out of it the discretionary power desired, who forced savages
old song, " You know you're in the right, I think you in the
instead of veteran troops upon the commander, refuses the
wrong." After examining several other passages in the cor-
testimony of military men, for the best reason in the world,
respondence, in the same manner, and demonstrating in se-
because lie is convinced, that if Military men were to give their
veral instances a contrariety of opinion between those who
opinions on those particulars, they would and must decide
planned, and the person who was to execute, lie laid it down
against him. The officers who served under his command
as the only test to lead to a proper judgment, on the whole of
would, lie knew, bear testimony, that savages, independent
the conduct of ministers and generals, to examine witnesses
of the barbarity and horrid cruelty of employing them, were
viva voce, to prove to the House who was wrong and who was
not to be depended upon ; that the force was totally inade-
right. A refusal on the part of administration to admit such
quate to the service ; and that all the difficulties and misfor-
evidence, he contended, was a clear acknowledgment of guilt ;
tunes that followed, down to the surrender at Saratoga, were
they dare not face the enquiry, because they knew it would
imputable solely to the peremptory orders which the general.
lead to their conviction; and they now by the most .shafrieful
understood himself bound to obey, by the striking out of his
evasion, and a mere trick of debate, endeavoured to avoid it,
original plan the discretionary power proposed, which would
1 74
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
[April
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
175
29
1779.]
have left him at liberty to vary his operations, according to
be mentioned that circumstance only to shew the treachery of
times and circumstances.
one, if not all of them. The noble secretary, while he was
He attacked the noble lord at the head of the Arnericari
loading the general with encomiums on his zeal, activity, and
i
department, and the whole cabinet, for their insidious cone
alents, was secretly undermining him ; for the whole corre-
t
duct towards the honourable general near him. He Called
spondence chewed that he never had his confidence. When
upon the subordinate instruments of administration to stand
the general gave an opinion, the secretary answered him in
forth like men and avow their sentiments. One learned gene.
the negative; he had his spies and informers on the spot ; he
tleman (Mr. Dundas) on the first proposition for a committee,
trusted to their information, not to that of the commander-in-
had spoken of the expedition from Canada in very strong and
chief; so that while he made the general responsible for the
decided terms, and had, without a tittle of proof, censured
events of the war, he was, by means as foolish and preposte-
the conduct of the honourable general who commanded it;
rous as they were base, endeavouring all in his power, to de-
the same learned gentleman had, more than a year since,
feat the very measures he seemed so anxious to carry into
found limit with the operations of the grand army to the
execution. He said, the noble lord's amendment went to an
southward. An honourable friend of his (Governor John-
actual dissolution of the committee, and an implied acknow-
stone) had not been backward or shy, in publicly declaring
ledgment of guilt in administration, by putting a stop to au
his opinions upon both the naval and military conduct of the
enquiry which they dared not meet.
American war; so had several other gentlemen in that House.
He should forbear to lay any stress on the pamphleteers, run-
The question was put on Lord North's amendment, and the
ners, whisperers, and coffee-house emissaries of administra-
committee divided : Yeas 159: Noes 155. The debate was again
renewed on the main question, whether the motion so amended
tion; they had all received the lie direct from the noble lord
should pass, when the question being called for, it was rejected,
in the blue ribbon. It was now pretty clear that his lordship
although by a smaller majority than on the preceding division, the
was riot their employer; but as to those gentlemen, members
numbers being. iSo to 158. Colonel Barr then moved, in the
of that House, who, by their respectable situations and inde-
terms of tire original order of the House, " That Lord Cornwal-
pendent spirit, had publicly avowed their opinions, he expect-
lis be called in, and examined respecting the subject matter of
ed they would have the candour either to renounce them from
the papers referred to said committee." This motion was nega-
conviction, or maintain them upon those laudable principles
tived without a division. And thus the enquiry seemed to have
on which they had affected to adopt, or were willing still to
been laid to sleep for ever. The committee was not, however,
adhere to them. They were specially called upon to forward
dissolved.
the enquiry in its fullest extent, or honestly recant, and sub-
scribe to the creed of the noble lord in the blue ribbon : "that
May 3.
the noble admiral and the honourable general had acquitted
COLONEL 13arre again introduced the business by a
themselves with the utmost bravery, fidelity and skill; that the
recital of the transactions which had passed in the commit-
honourable general's narrative brought home conviction to
tee, and a renewal of the motion for the examination of Lord
every impartial mind ; and, that it would be wasting the time
Cornwallis. Mr. Dunning seconded the motion, which was sup-
attic committee to no manner of purpose, unless the object of
ported by Mr. T. Townshend, Mr. Fox, General Burgoyne,
future enquiry was meant to be directed to an examination in-
and. Sir William Howe, and opposed by Lord. North, Lord
to the conduct of ministers." If, therefore, the noble lord
George Germain and Mr. Rigby. Earl Nugent opposed the
should obstinately persist in his motion, he made no doubt
motion, principally on the ground, that matters of great con-
sequence were yet to be brought into parliament ; that the at-
but such gentlemen as had censured the military conduct of
tention of ministers would be drawn not only from them, by dis-
commanders in their absence, would be the first, if they
tracting it with such a variety of objects, but that the very being
should not have changed their former ()pillions, to give an
and preservation of the nation, from the hostile attacks of a power-
opportunity to those gentlemen to exculpate themselves, and
ful foreign foe, must be neglected, while the whole time of minis-
of course vote against the amendment proposed by the noble
ters was spent in that House upon a fruitless enquiry.
lord.
He dwelt some time on the praises bestowed on the com-
Mr. Fox answered that part of the noble lord's speech,
mander-in-chief by the ministers ; there was scarcely a letter
which rested the impropriety of the present enquiry upon the
which did not contain the .most flattering expressions. But
supposed interruption it would give his majesty's confidential
14
176
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
May 3•
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR,
I77
1779.]
servants, in planning and executing measures for the good of
he pitied him, if he was sincere ; if not, he
their country. He believed that the noble lord, and every
slick counsels, to give his opinion of the principles of such a
other person in that House who had the honour or interest
roan.
of his country at heart, were perfectly convinced, that they
He then stated the necessity there was for going into an
had very strong and cogent reasons to lament that the present
The noble lord in the blue ribbon had repeatedly
ministers had ever planned or ever executed. It would have
staked
to that House on the issue of the American
been a most fortunate circumstance for the nation, if the
He had called for a large fleet and numerous army ;
noble lord in the blue ribbon, and the noble American secre-
tlaery. were granted; but America was lost, 25,000 lives had been
tary near him, had been in the situation supposed by an ho-
away, and upwards of 3 o millions had been expended.
thrown
nourable friend ; if they had been asleep in that House or
come directly to a later period, the noble lord at the
out of it, the day that
But to
011C or both of them planned this ac-
head of the American department, when he came into office,
cursed American war ; if they had been embarrassed with
bad specially pledged himself to that House, not merely to a
debates in that House, while they were deliberating upon
general promise of success, but afterwards, in different stages
measures of ruin, folly, and national disgrace. He believed
the business, had pointed out the means. Such an army
of
in his conscience, that it would have been happy for their
under Sir William Howe; such an army under General Bur-
country if they had never been born. But, surely, the
goyne, from Canada, to co-operate with the grand army ; the
noble lord is not serious in the motives he has assigned for
people in the colonies were loyally disposed ; 'Washington
putting a stop to the present enquiry ? Does his lordship
could not recruit ; he had offered 3 o/. a man, but could pro-
pretend to believe or foretel, should the present enquiry go
cure none to enlist, even upon such exorbitant terms. Sir
on, that ministers will be less indolent, less incapable, or re-
Guy Carleton would have a force under his command suffi-
gardless of the public concerns ? His lordship is better inform-
cient to protect and defend the province of Quebec; and
ed ; experience has long since convinced him of the contrary.
afterwards the expedition down the North River would consist
He secretly smiles, when he talks in this strain. The rea-
of a chosen corps of veterans of 12,000 effective men ; besides
soning built on such a supposition, is indeed highly laughable,
the great advantages which would be derived from the assist-
and can make no impression on those who see the noble lord
ance and friendship of the Indians in the neighbourhood of
rise in that House and gravely urge such an argument, but
his intended route. When questioned upon the great line of
sentiments of mirth and good humour; for instead of being
public measures, (having declared his intention to breathe a
in town, when effective measures, directed to vigorous exer-
different spirit into those which prevailed when lie was called
tions, and a proper employment of our national strength and
into his majesty's councils,) what force he meant to employ ?
resources, ought steadily to engage their attention, the two
his answer was, " 4 Whatever force the general thinks may be
noble lords and the rest of their brethren in the cabinet will
adequate." After the first campaign, when asked what ap.,
fly from the fatigues of office; they will be amusing themselves
pearances of success there were ? his lordship answered,
at their country-seats, for weeks, perhaps months together ;
" every appearance of a successful and decisive campaign."
and the great business of the nation will be left to the care of
Now, if neither the force was adequate, and his lordship
a few clerks in office ; or if they should in their respective re-
knew that he could not expect a successful campaign, it would
treats turn their attention at all to public affairs, it will be
follow, that he not only deceived the general, and concealed
only to devise means, not for the defeat of their enemies, but
his sentiments, but by so doing, he acted a most criminal
- to defeat enquiries into their blunders, incapacity, and neglect
part, and was responsible to the House and the nation, for
in parliament. The last summer in particular, when the very
alT the blood and treasure we had thrown away. What was
fitte of this country was at stake, when we were threatened
one of the objects of this enquiry ? To hear the evidence of
with an invasion, he was well informed, that for weeks toge-
men on the spot, in high command; to strew in the first in-
ther, there was not a single cabinet minister so near town as
stance that the general was not culpable, because his force was
fifty miles : but if they had been nearer, was it not preposte-
not adequate, and that the noble lord had deceived the House,
rous to suppose that persons who were to consult, deliberate,
because when he told them that he had everTprospect of a
and determine by common consent only, could consult, delibe-
successful campaign, he had a letter in his pocket from the
rate, and advise their sovereign, when they were thus separate?
general, telling him, " that no successful campaign, nor any
If any man could suppose, that any good could proceed from
endvotL.
O
war, could be expected, unless the noble lord sent
178
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
[May 13,
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN 'WAR.
179
out a very considerable reinforcement to his assistance;"
nquiry, in God's name, proceed. Let the most ample infor-
e
which reinforcement, at the time he promised a successful
mation be received from every quarter, and through every
and decisive campaign, he was pre-determined not to send.
-channel. Let every man of every description, who was in a
The evidence contained in the papers went directly to those
situation either in America or Europe, which gave him an
facts. The noble lord's correspondence shelved that he enter-
ty of knowing any thing relative to the subject-mat-
opportun i
tained opinions diametrically opposite to those stated in the
ter of the papers on the table, be called upon to give his
general's letter. How, -then, was it possible to come at the
testimony at that bar. If he knows a fact, let him relate ft ;
truth without examining those who were in high command,
if he has an opinion, let him give it. What shape does the
and were present on the spot? The testimony of Lord Corn-,
whole subject, taken in a fair and impartial view, present
wallis was necessary to prove the truth or fallacy of those con-
in? 'We have lost America. We have lost 25,000
tradictory assertions. That noble lord could describe the
itself
men. We have spent upwards of 3o millions by this ac-
country, together with the obstructions and difficulties the
cursed American war. Who has been the cause of its mis-
commander-in-chic,' had to contend with. In fact, he and
carriage? Is not that the question? Who led us into this
his brother officers, so far as their testimony applied to the
war? Ministers. What were our motives for entering into
force requisite to insure a successful campaign, were compe-
and prosecuting it hitherto ? The repeated assurances of
tent, and the only proper evidence to determine the opinion
ministers, that the war was practicable; that the means for
of the House on the measures of ministers, and the means
insuring success were adequate; that the issue would be cor-
they furnished for carrying them into execution, and of the3
respondent.
possibility or impossibility of executing them.
When called upon, what do ministers urge in their justifi-
cation ? The war was practicable; the means you gave us
The motion was carried without a division,
were adequate to the attainment of the given object. The
war, had the plans been as well executed as they were wisely
May 13.
conceived, would, nay, must have been crowned with success.
We have kept our faith with parliament, so far as it depended
From the unexpected latitude which the examination of' wit-
nesses, in
upon our own exertions; and if the war miscarried, it has not
the Committee on the Conduct of the American War,
had assumed, the ministry found themselves under the necessity of
been our fault. Still more; what was the conduct of the
appealing to counter-evidence to disprove some of the statements.
noble lord at the head of the American department, the last
Accordingly, Mr. De Grey moved for a summons directing the
day this business was agitated in this House ? Did not the
attendance of ten witnesses, which occasioned violent exclamations
noble lord, instead of defending his own conduct, accuse the
on the part of Opposition. Mr. Burke decried the proceeding as
commander-in-chief 'with special acts of misconduct and
irregular and unfair ; ministers, he said, afflicted to applaud the
military conduct of Sir William Howe, and now, by a side-wind,
neglect ? Did not he char ge him with wasting his time to no
in a late
purpose in the Jerseys, and with going round by Chesapeak
stage of the examination, endeavoured to invalidate and
instead of going up the Delaware; and conclude that from
defeat evidence which they could not pretend to disbelieve...
Against this mode of argument, the former declarations of the
the delay occasioned by these measures, the advantages which
name party were successfully urged ; they had begged only for
might be derived from the campaign of 1777 were lost, and
inquiry ; if the inquiry proved merely ex parte,
Our victories rendered of no avail ; in short, that we com-
that would be the
fault of administration ; they might call evidence in their own
menced the campaign in Pennsylvania, when we. should have
defence, if they deemed it necessary ; but now, these improper
been ahinking almost of providing winter quarters? What,
objections were raised. Lord George Germain declared he had
on the other lama, has been the answer of the honourable
no disposition to accuse General Howe ; he principally desired
commander? I could not have proceeded up the Delaware.
evidence to disprove the statement, that America was almost
compelled to go by Chesapeak. J could not have forced
unanimous in resisting the claims of Great Britain.
I was
the enemy at Quibble Town, without suffering a great and a
Mr.
certain loss, and running infinite hazard. Why so? Because
Fox expressed his surprise, that his honourable friend
my force was inadequate. I told the noble lord frequently,
near him, (Mr. Burke,) could waste a single moment upon a
that it was inadequate, and for that reason, that no decisive
matter, which, to say the worst of it, could only be considered
as a mere informality in the mode of proceeding. Let the
campaign could be expected.
What is the language of the noble lord? You say you want
1.`i. 2
7 80 ENQUIRY INTO THE AIVERICAN WAR.
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
8 x
[May 13•
1770
a reinforcement of 15 or 20,000 men ; but I know
nnot without manifest injustice, without betraying the ho-
be mistaken : you want
you must
•
ca
no such force. I have better
our of parliament, and sacrificing the clearest interests of this
infor..
motion than you. You can recruit your army in
pcountry, judge till we hear all parties ; nor then, unless we
Perms3d,
vania. You might have sent a stronger detachment to
resolve with one intention to judge without prejudice or par-
the
Highlands, or have carried on your operations by the North
ality. As matters now stand, it will, in point of form, be
River. You lost a month from your retreat from
ti
to allow, that the claims of this country over the
Town, till
Quibble
necessary
you embarked at Staten Island ; and you
colonies were well founded ; that the measure of coercion was
another month by your going by sea, or at least going
lost
a wise one; that it was practicable in the execution, and that
round
by Chesapeak, instead of debarking at Newcastle or
the means were adequate. I know, however, that America
up the Delaware.
higher
is lost, and the nation apparently on the eve of destruction ;
'What, then, is the object of the present motion ? to bring
but as to the cause of our disasters, I shall suspend all opinion
witnesses to your bar. And for what purpose? to prove
till I hear the evidence on both sides ; then and then only will
that
the noble lord, the American secretary, was right — to
it be competent for me to decide, and draw a fair line between
prove
that the honourable commander and the noble lord the
accusation and recrimination.
admiral were mistaken. The motion is therefore, in my
opinion, extremely proper, for several reasons. It will
The motion was agreed to.
amount to a fair issue, and the examination of the witnesses
intended to be moved for, will form one part of the e
May 18.
vidence.
I must confess that, till the noble secretary stood forth, our
proceedings bore rather an aukward appearance. It was a
The evidence on the part of Lord and Sir William Howe being
closed, Mr. Eden gave notice that he would proceed to examine
committee moved for by two respectable members of this
House, concerning their military conduct in high
the witnesses that had been moved for by Mr. De Grey, when the.
situations
committee should next meet. General Burgoyne said, he was not
of command; they called and examined several witnesses to
prepared to proceed in the enquiry relative to the northern expe-
several material parts of their conduct. But still something
dition, not having any expectation that the evidence of the ho-
was wanting. Ministers gave high testimonies in their
nourable general and noble lord would have been so suddenly
favour.
No man accused the noble admiral and honourable
closed. Mr. Eden moved, that the committee be adjourned to
general;
or if there was any thing which could be fairly interpreted
the zoth. Earl Nugent condemned the whole enquiry from the
into an accusation, the fact or facts were not specified. It
beginning to the end, and moved that the chairman do leave the
amounted to no more than loose desultory conversations. The
chair. General Burgoyne appealed to the justice of the House,
whether, after the frequent calumnies, specific charges, and cri-
noble secretary hitherto remained silent. His lordship, how-
minal accusations made against him, it would be proper to put an
ever, at length adopted a much more manly part; when he
end to the committee ? Mr. 114;by rose up in great heat, and
found that the House had determined to proceed, he boldly
after giving his reasons why he thought the committee ought to be
stood forth as an accuser in the manner I have just been
dissolved, the conduct of the noble and honourable commanders
describing. One thing more only remained to be done, that
having, in his opinion, been perfectly cleared to the satisfaction of
was an avowal on his part, of his intention to prove as well as
the House, launched forth into criminatory expressions of the
accuse. His honourable friend has, with his permission,
military conduct of General Burgoyne.
taken the first introductory step in this business; he has moved
for the attendance of General Robertson, for the purpose of
Mr. Fox rose, and most earnestly implored the justice of
examining him touching military matters; adding, that he
the House in favour of the honourable general. The first
means to move for the attendance of several others in the
point to be considered was, can the honourable general be
military and civil line. I like this for my part, because it
tried by a court-martial, situated as he is ill respect of the
looks as if the noble lord was in earnest ; that he was deter-
Congress? Or, if he cannot, will it be proper to enquire
mined to throw himself upon the opinion of the House, mid
into his conduct in this House till he is released from his
not trust to a corrupt majority in his favour, and to screen
present engagement to the Congress? In his opinion, we
himself by means so dishonourable and disgraceful.
could send him to a court-martial by making a suitable return
We ought not to prejudge the noble lord, the honourable
in either number and quality; that we most clearly could
commander, the noble admiral, nor administration.
proceed against, try, and punish him, for state or criminal
We
N
I 82
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR.
03.3
[May
1779.3
offences; and even if we could not, that the enquiry ought to
fruits of four or five and thirty years service, the rank of lieu-
go on ; and if further proceedings relative to the honourable
tenant-gene ral in the army and a regiment of cavalr y, attended
general should be thought necessary, they might be suspended,
with circumstances of disgrace, were no punishment? Or,
till the only impediment, real or pretended, which at present
how was it possible to conceive that the same power which
stood in the way, should be removed.
could impeach could not punish ? On the contrary, was it
He had heard no one sound reason yet urged to shew, that
not self-evident to the most moderate capacity, that at this
the honourable commander might not be tried this instant.
instant the honourable general was amenable to the laws of
He knew no law which exempted an officer from a military
his country, and was as liable to Ve tried and punished for a
tribunal. The right honourable gentleman had charged him
' breach of them as any other man in this kingdom? It was,
with offences of a very criminal nature indeed: with disgracing
indeed, a most extraordinary argument, that the worst or
the arms of his country, with rendering into the hands of its
most vicious man, as soon as by management or treachery he
enemy, a whole army. He would just make one supposition
became a prisoner, had no more to do than instantly to return
more, equally well founded, he was inclined to believe, with
to his own country and commit every crime the most corrupt
any of those he had enumerated. He would suppose, that
heart might suggest, and yet evade the punishment annexed
to the other imputed disgraceful offences, the honourable
to the commission of such horrid offences.
commander had been charged with treachery, what would be
. He was ashamed to spend a moment of his time, or that of
the effect of the right 'honourable gentleman's doctrine?
the House, in refuting such palpable absurdities. If the
That after betraying his country, he might return to it when
honourable general was amenable to inferior tribunals, he was
he pleased with impunity; and it would nevertheless be in the
of course amenable to the first tribunal of criminal justice in
power of those to whom he betrayed it, to protect him by
the kingdom, that of parliament, where he was liable to be
refusing to release or exchange him. This case, which as to the
tried on an impeachment preferred by one House to be heard
fact of treachery, had often happened before, and might again,
and decided upon by the other, or by a bill of pains and
plainly pointed out the absurdity of contending that a military
penalties; so that either principle was equally fallacious and
man, as soon as he becomes a prisoner, is no longer a mem-
ill founded. He might be tried for treachery or disobedience
ber of the community, owes it no allegiance, and stands exempt
of orders by a military tribunal ; he might be expelled; he
from every species of punishment, be his crimes ever so base
might be dismissed. He might be tried in a court of cri-
or atrocious, if the party to whom he has surrendered himself
minal justice for offences properly and solely cognizable there;
a prisoner, thinks proper to protect him in his infamy and
or, he-might be tried and punished by parliament.
guilt.
The right honourable gentleman, with that confidence and
But, says the right honourable gentleman, on the second
authority in which he usually delivers his opinions, says, the
bead, that of civil enquiry and subsequent punishment, What
honourable general sits and votes in that House at the will
signifies expelling him ? what signifies addressing the crown
and by the permission of a rebel Congress; but, as in all the
to dismiss him from his post and command in the army ?
foregoing instances, he has forgot to adduce a syllable of proof
Such punishments are by no means adequate to the mag-
in support of his assertion. What book is it on the credit
nitude of his crimes, should the charges be made good ; and
of which he hazards such an opinion? Is it on the authority
as to an impeachment, what an idle farce it would be to
of any great writer on the law of nations? He was certain
impeach a man, when you cannot punish him ! Here the
not. - On the contrary, it was well known, that a noble lord
right honourable gentleman was, indeed, extremely unfor-
(Frederick Cavendish) who was made prisoner at St. Cas, on
tunate and hard set to keep up even the colour of an argu-
the coast of France, during the late war, having entertained
ment; expulsion is nothing; dismissing him from his station
some doubts whether, being on his parole in England, he was,
in the army is nothing ; an impeachment, he confesses, would
as a prisoner, at liberty to attend his duty in parliament, and
be something, if the hands of justice were not tied. You
having communicated his doubts on the subject to the court
may impeach perhaps, but you cannot punish.
of France, the answer he received was, that sitting and voting
Here, then, were a string of assertions, equally contra-
in parliament would be no more a breach of his parole, than
dictory to the feelings and judgment of mankind. Who but
getting his wife with child.
the right honourable gentleman would gravely assert,. that
He then proceeded to the last point, that of going on with
expulsion was no punishment, or depriving an officer of the
the enquiry, on the supposition that the honourable general
IC 4
AID
1.84
as'
ENQUIRY INTO THE AMERICAN WAR. Difay
07 9.j MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA.
could not be punished till released from the convention
support the present set of ministers in power, he recom-
of
Saratoga, and suspending any further proceeding till that
to
wended them to do so by a vote of acquittal after enquiry;
event should take place. This, though an unnecessary con..
and not, by a servile acquiescence, sacrifice the very appear-
dition, if there should appear any thing even doubtful, w
ance of justice, and the forms of their proceedings.
ould
answer every end. If the honourable general's conduct should
Before he sat down, he begged that the right honourable
call for a. military tribunal, a very few weeks (perhaps at this
who took so conspicuous a part in the present
gentleman
very instant he stood disengaged to the Congress) would sub-
debate (Mr. Rigby,) would reflect a little, and endeavour to
ject him to an enquiry ; or, on the other hand, if in the opi.:
reconcile his present conduct to that adopted by him the last
Mon of .the House, it should be found that no blame was
the question was discussed ; otherwise it would have a
imputable to him, but that the miscarriage of the expedition
day
very- strange appearance, to be for suppressing an enquiry,
from Canada was owing to the ignorance and incapacity of
the necessity of which lie had so warmly urged but a few
the ministers who planned it, and not to the general intrusted
days since; nay, indeed, it would be little short of a direct
with its execution, then it would be proper that the justice of
desertion of all his former principles and professions, respect-
the nation should take place, and those men who had been
ing the conduct of the American war, for the last eighteen
the cause of the loss of America, of so much blood and trea-
months or two years; for as often as the question was
sure, a foreign war with a powerful enemy, mid a threatened
agitated, his constant language was, that there was blame
war with another powerful enemy, be brought to condign
somewhere; and that it was of course highly becoming that
punishment.
House, and an indispensable duty to trace it to its source,
He allowed, it would be rather premature to give an opi-
and discover who were the authors of our national misfortunes.
nion one way or the other : but if ministers persisted, and by
their irresistible influence and power of numbers should carry
After a long debate, Earl Nugent's motion was negatived, and
the question against any farther enquiry, it would be to him
Mr. Eden's agreed to.
the fullest demonstration, that they were conscious of their
own guilt, and on that account, and that alone, fled from the
enquiry.
The noble lord who moved the present question, moved it
for the third time. The noble lord in the blue ribbon, more
reserved, but equally desirous to prevent it, refused to co-
MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA.
operate, but took care as effectually to defeat the proper object
of the enquiry as if he had moved for its dissolution. When
June I I.
the motion for resuming the same question was moved by his
•
honourable friend near him (Colonel Barre) the same noble
SIR William Meredith moved, " That an humble address be
lord moved the order of the day, and was openly abetted by
presented to his majesty, to assure him, that his faithful Com-
the noble lord in the blue ribbon. The right honourable gen-
mons, knowing that it must give his benevolent and royal mind the
tleman below him, who this day took such different ground,
highest satisfaction possible, to remove the calamities of war from
his colonies, and the burdens of sustaining that war from his Bri-
differed from his friends, and the two noble lords were obliged
tish subjects, beg leave to express to his majesty their great
to submit; now for the third time, the same noble lord had
concern, that the commission which was issued by his majesty,
made a similar attempt, and the noble lord in the blue rib-
with the authority of parliament, tb • the wise and salutary ends
bon affects a kind of sullen silence or indifference; but whe-
of accommodating our unhappy disputes with America, has failed
ther the noble lord shall rise or not, the principle and object
of success : — that there is no example of any nation that ever sent
of these various attempts have been uniform, — that of de-
fleets and armies of such strength and magnitude on so remote a
feating the enquiry, and thereby evading the justice of the
service as those which Great Britain has poured into America;
nation.
yet they are not found upon trial to be adequate to the purpose of
He conjured the Finitse, as they regarded their own ho-
establishing a government by three over that country. That look-
ing to the situation of affairs in Europe, we cannot but apprehend,-
nour, their character without doors, and the opinions of man-
that our resources may become altogether necessary to repel the
kind, at least to preserve appearances. If, at all events and
Hostile designs, and the armaments prepared against this kingdom;
hazards to themselves and the public, they were determined
confident, however, that the hearts of his people are animated by
186 ._.1%10TiON RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA. [June
177.9.] MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA. , •
1 87
a true spirit and zeal for his majesty's service ; and that means will
not be wanting to defend his sacred person, his family, and h
ric to the minds of his hearers, Mr. Fox parodied the
is
dominions, against all hostilities.— That in this situation of affairs
by putting it thus : suppose he had withdrawn from
cgs
we most sincerely lament that the commission for restoring peace
soon after the beginning of the war, and had
parliament
(which was in force till the 1st of June only) has expired,
been out (*the kingdom ever since ; if a person was to ask
withou
any declared or apparent intention of opening a door to
t
reco
him, what were the sentiments of parliament, respecting Ame-
ment.— That his faith
ncile.
ful Commons think it their indis
rica, and whether he thought they would give up taxation, and
pensable
duty most humbly to implore his majesty to direct those confi-
agree to any concession on the part of England ? he should
dential servants, on whose advice his majesty relies in matters of
the greatest importance, that they do immediately deliberate upon,
certainly have replied, 4 4 No, by no means; the British par-
liament will never make peace with America till she-is at
and concert such measures as may prepare the way for peace with
America." Mr. David Hartley seconded the motion. Lord North,
their feet; they will never give up the right of taxation; they
Governor Johnstone, Mr. Eden, Lord George Germain, and Mr.
will listen to nothing short of unconditional submission."
Dundas opposed, and Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke supported it.
Let gentlemen see how ill this argument would agree with
truth, and how opposite it would be to the real state of the
case. And yet, who that had given the minister credit for
Mr. Fox recapitulated the several measures taken against
his assertions in that House four years ago, would not have
America since the commencement of hostilities. He con-
thought himself warranted to talk in that style? He, there-
demned the coercive laws passed by Great Britain in the
fore, for one, had paid no attention to General Robertson's
hour of her insolence; and the tame submission with which
the right of taxation, and even the Act of Navigation,
evidence, because after what he heard the general say in the
beginning of it, he was convinced it could not be relied on.
was given up by the same ministers, who with a handful of
men had talked of bringing America upon her knees. He
Having argued this point, he recurred to the testimony of
General Gray, which he said was every way worthy of credit,
then took notice of General Robertson's evidence before the
committee of enquiry into the conduct of the American war,
and plainly shewed that the ministry were to blame, because
they had continued from time to time to send over reinforce-
and said, if it were to be credited, it was the severest libel
on administration that ever was made public, seeing that it
ments short of the amount which the officers emplo yed to
loaded them with the whole guilt of having continued a most
carry on the war had declared to be absolutely necessary to
expensive war Oith America, when
make a campaign decisively successful. He ridiculed the
. they might whenever they
pleased have put an end to it. For, what had General Ro-
language that had been held to invalidate General Gray's
bertson said ? That the majority of the people of America
evidence, and particularly the argument of one of the com-
wished well to this country, and longed to return to their
missioners, who had declared that General Gray, having
allegiance. If this were true, the guilt was transferred from
been but seventeen months in America, was incompetent to
the shoulders of the officers who had been employed, to the
udge of the sentiments of the people, and of the real state of
j
shoulders of,
affairs there. He said, he thought the general, after seven-
' ministry, and they were answerable to their
country for not having takereatiyantage of the circumstance.
teen months actual service in America, was at least as capable
He, however, was one who did: not credit the evidence of
of judging of the sentiments of the people, as any of the com-
General Robertson ; he believed him to be a man of inte-
missioners, who were there but for four, or at most six months, -
grity and honour, as well as a brave and judicious officer;
send confined during that time to the two cities .of New York
but the reason why he did not credit his evidence was, be-
and Philadelphia.
cause the general bad told the House, in the very beginning
From this he proceeded to review the terms offered by the
of his examination, that he spoke not from his own know-
commissioners, and reprehended them m the severest. lan-
ledge of
guage, as such as went to sacrifice the rights of the British
facts as they now were, but. from his knowledge of
the sentiments of America twenty years before the
legislature, and to offer propositions which parliament had
war com-
menced, and he thence inferred that the same sentiments
neither authorized, nor was likely, even had they been ac-.
prevailed now. In proof' of this assertion, lie read a few of
cepted, to ratify. In particular, he objected teethe oiler, that
the questions which had been put to the general, together
agents from the respective colonies should have a scat in the.
with the general's answers, and said, that his evidence,
British parliament, and the offer to pay the debts of Ame-
con-
fiequently-, was of little import. The better to bring this..
rica, contracted by an offensive war against this. country.
With regard to the latter, the minister who either suggested
tt,r.)
f 88
MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WiTH AMERICA. [June I I.
1779.1 MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA.
189
or meant to ratify such a proposition, deserved impeachment;
ceedingly expensive and improper. It was very true, that our
and as to the former, it was the most degrading and mmeces-
army in Germany was a considerable call upon the resources
sary proposition that ever he heard; unnecessary, because
of this country ; it drained us severely both of men and of
among the catalogue of boundless concessions made by the
money; but then it was to be remembered, that it rendered it
commissioners to the Congress, we had expressly given up
necessary for France to have a large army there likewise, and
all right of legislation over AMerica ; and degrading, because
that it kept those troops of France engaged in Germany which
having given up that right, we meanly courted the agents of
might have annoyed us elsewhere, and in places where, if
America to become a part of the legislature of this country
they met with any success, the consequence would. have been
He defended the conduct of Congress in having made the
much more fatal to Great Britain. At present we had a
reply that they sent to the commissioners, by observing, that
large army in America, and the French had no army there.
they were then in actual alliance with France, in consequence
The British troops were incapable of acting offensively, and
of which the King of France had sent them a fleet and an
in fact were in a state of inactivity : in that state they were
army, and furnished them with money to carry on the war
likely to remain. Upon this ground he argued, that it was
Let gentlemen consider that the terms offered by the commissi•
madness to suffer the troops to continue any longer at New
oners were not definitive propositions, but mere terms of treaty,
York; he therefore wished to make peace with America on
terms of discussion, and terms ad rfferendum, which had the
almost any terms, and to carry on the war against France with
Congress been weak enough to accede to, might not have
all the vigour, and all the exertion possible. If France offered
been ratified ; exclusive, therefore, of betraying the rights
advantageous proposals of peace, certainly it was the duty of
of their constituents, which they would have done had they
administration to accede to them, because, as the resources of
agreed to the terms offered by the commissioners, after hav-
this country now stood, exhausted as we were by the long and
ing engaged in a treaty with France, it would have been the
ruinous war in which we had been involved, a peace, on pro-
extreme of folly to have taken themselves out of the arms of
per terms, was certainly a very desirable object ; but ministry
France, to have given up the advantages they actually pos-
ought never to make peace with France, either upon the con-
sessed, and to have trusted to the faith of ministers, notorious
dition of ratifying her treaty with America, suffering her to
for having dealt treacherously with them, and deceitfully with
continue her connections with the United States, or giving up
the British nation. Added to this, the preliminary proposals
any part of the British dominions.
of Congress were neither, in his judgment, improper for them
He contended, that as the late commissioners held out
to lay down, nor for Great Britain to listen to. Perhaps
terms and conditions to all America, the public faith was
many good reasons might be urged, why we ought not ex-
pledged for giving America the same terms whenever she
pressly to acknowledge the independency of America. But as
chose to accept them, notwithstanding what the noble lord,
one member of parliament, he was very far from being averse
the American secretary, had on a former occasion thought
to the other proposition, namely, that of withdrawing our
proper to say upon the subject. He also contended, that the
fleets and armies from America. So far from it, he thought
faith of this country was pledged to protect all those, whether
that measure the wisest that could be adopted, and the sooner
bodies of men or individuals, who had come in under the
it was adopted the better : so fully convinced was he of this,
commission, and returned to their allegiance. He said, if
that he was ready to intreat ministers to come into it, and
there was but one man of this description, we were bound in
even to beg it of them as a boon. As a proof that such a
honour and in justice to make good the conditions to that
measure was..really necessary, he referred to the evidence that
individual : that the commission having expired on the 1st of
had been given at the bar by several of the witnesses who had
June, it was indispensably necessary to give his majesty par-
been heard in the course of the enquiry, which amounted to
liamentary authority to make peace, — an authority which did
an express declaration, that it was impossible to subdue
not exist, and without which it was dangerous to trust to the
America, or reduce her to allegiance by force of arms. To
hazard of a whole summer's passing. In speaking to the
what end, then, should we continue our chief military force
design of repealing the prohibitory act, he declared it to be
across the Atlantic when it was so much wanted at home ?
the most obnoxious of any that had been passed against Ame-
He took a review of our plan of operations during the last
rica, and that it ought to be repealed. He read extracts
war, and remarked, that it had been pretty generally the lan-
from the letters sent by the noble lord at the head . of the
guage of 'that day, that our continental connections were ex-
American department, in which the writer had recorrunended
16
790 MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH AMERICA.
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
191
[June III'
i779.]
it to Sir William Howe and the noble lord his brother, to
prepare to carry on the war in such a sort, as should con-
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
vince America of the determined purpose of this country to
prosecute it with unremitting severity. Upon these passages
June 21.
Mr. Fox commented, and declared; that the plain meaning
of them was, to prosecute the war in as sanguinary a manner .
'THE first and great measure of national defence, adopted by
as possible. He said, he understood that the war was car-
'THE ministry, in opposition to the consequences of that dan-
rying on in that manner at this time; he did not mean, how-
gerouscombination, now first openly avowed by the Court of Spain,
was a proposal in the House of Commons for increasing the mi-
ever, by a general and loose assertion to criminate ministry
litia to such a degree as should double its present amount. Lord
farther than they deserved, he would therefore state to what
North having this day moved for leave to bring in the bill,
he alluded: it was this ; that the southern Indians had been
excited to rise and attack the back settlements of Virginia and
Mr. Fox contended, that as the motion made by the noble
Carolina. He did not mention this as a fact, he really. did
lord was an alarm to the whole kingdom, and an acknowledg-
not know whether it was so or not, but such was the report,
ment that parliament thought the country in the extreme
which he hoped to God was ill-founded; he had mach rather
moment of peril, it would be idle to adopt the measure unless
that Mr. Stuart should have put the many thousands which , s'
it was known that the proper exertions of another nature had
he had drawn upon the treasury for, into his own pocket,
been previously made, and that doubling the militia was not
than employed the public money in such a way; he had
the single point on which his majesty's ministers rested the
rather he had made a job of it, and hoped he should see him
security of the country. He then discussed the situation of
soon return to this country to live at his case and in splendour
our naval strength, mentioning the force of France and Spain,
upon the money he had so pocketed, and he wished so for this
and the force that we now had, as well the squadron sent out
reason; it was evident, that the Indians could hardly be re-
under sir Charles Hardy, as the ships of the line at home and
strained from acts, of the most horrid cruelty, even when they
elsewhere, and asked if preparations were carrying on with
were under the awe of so large an army as that commanded
the necessary vigour and dispatch to reinforce . Sir Charles,
by General Burgoyne, an officer as distinguished for his
declaring that much depended on the ability of that fleet to
humanity as his bravery; to what extent, then, might they
cope with the fleets of the House of Bourbon, and that every
not carry their barbarities, when they were unaccompanied by
ship-carpenter, every labourer in the dock-yards, every man
any army, and strangers to every idea of discipline'? The
in the kingdom, capable of holding an adze or driving a peg,
savage massacre of aged and defenceless men, women, and
ought to be employed in fitting out those five or six ships,
children, would, be unlimited ; the very conjecture of it was
which he understood to be nearly ready, and which were de-
shocking.. , He was free to allow, that Indians might be
signed to be sent to Sir Charles.
employed in the service to advantage, but then it must be
He said, with regard to the proposition of doubling the
when they had an army to direct and regulate their efforts.
militia, it certainly might be one of the means that ought in
Having spoken to a variety of other points, Mr. Fox con-
the present exigency of affairs to be adopted; he believed,
cluded with declaring, that he thought the motion made by
however, that it was a measure liable to sonic objection, and
his right honourable friend every way laudable, and should
riot so practicable as the noble lord in the blue ribbon seemed
therefore give it his hearty support.
to imagine; men might possibly be got, but it might not be
an easy matter to find officers ; he did not mean, by saying
The motion was negatived without a division.
this, to throw impediments in its way; he should not oppose
the motion himself, nor any motion calculated in any manner
whatever to strengthen and add to the defence of the king-
dom. God knew this was a moment of great public danger,
arid every means of every sort which were in the least likely to
enable us to resist our enemies, were proper to be adopted,
and should have his hearty support.
With regard to the militia, many considerations respecting
them might occur in the course of the progress of the bill. It
192
1Q3
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
[June 2r.
1779.]
might be a question, whether in a time of so pressing and cri..
tical a nature as the present, it would not be right to give the
June 22.
King a power of sending a part of the militia over to Ireland,
to defend that country. As affairs now stood, it was to many
on the motion for the second reading of the bill, a debate arose.
In consequence of the support given to the measure by the Oppo-
gentlemen a matter of expectation, that the French would at_
tack us in that quarter. Was Ireland in a proper state
sition on the preceding evening, Earl Nugent took occasion to
of
ov , that though we had no foreign ally, we bad the best of all
defence ? Ireland and England he considered as one and
allies, unanimity at home. We were allied among ourselves. The
the same. Their interests were, or ought to be, mutual, and
alliance lately entered into by the gentlemen on the other side of
the defence of the one was as worthy the consideration of par-
the House, and those on which he stood, did the former the high-
liament, as the defence of the other. He called upon minis-
est honour. After urging the necessity of great exertions, his
ters to know why, as they could not but have foreseen the
lordship was proceeding to. state some plan of operations for the
present danger, they had put off the defence of the kingdom
navy, when the Attorney-general begged to prevent the noble
lord's zeal from carrying him too far, by moving that the question
to the last moment ? Why, if the measure the noble lord had
might be read. Ile said, gentlemen would certainly act laudably,
now proposed, appeared to them, upon due deliberation, to be
in suggesting any scheme of defence of the -kingdom that had re-
so proper and so necessary, they had not come with it to par-
ference to the question ; but on that day it would be improper to
liament sooner ? It would have been idle to have argued,
go into other topics of deliberation; and perhaps to go into such a
that it would have given the kingdom any unnecessary alarm,
detail as the noble lord was proceeding to enter upon, might be
It could never be wrong to throw out an alarm in time, be-
dangerous.
cause, however for the moment it might operate as a shock on
the people, their panic would be less when the danger really
Mr. Fox said, lie had no intention to rise that day; but
came, and when the enemy were at their doors, they would
what he had lately heard from the noble lord, and the learned
be better prepared to resist and repel them.
gentleman over the way, rendered it highly necessary that he
He said, he would not, in a moment like the present, men-
should say a few words; and first, he would pay his respects
tion names, or go into personal attack upon the ministers;
to the learned gentleman, who had not onl y interrupted the
but could they tell the people that the fleets and armies, upon
noble lord in the midst of his speech, but had declared, that
the effectual operations of which the preservation- of the
on a day like the present, when that House was considering
country depended, were in the hands of the best and ablest
the best means of defending the kingdom from the imminent
officers? Was or was not every officer, to whom the people
peril in which it stood, gentlemen were not to deliberate and
had been accustomed to look up to with a perfect confidence,
weigh every circumstance, not only of the danger itself, but
driven from the service ? Were they all in employment, and
every circumstance in the scope of possibility and human pru-
cheerfully acting as they ought to be in the service of their
dence, at all likely to avert that danuer. This doctrine he
country ? After a variety of questions of this sort, Mr. Fox
n
thought had been lately exploded, and he little expected to
declared, that while the present ministry kept their offices, the
have heard parliament told, (on a day like that, when, if they
people would despond, and despair of any success in the very
Were not actually sitting in a committee of supply, they were
important war that was impending: for what good could they
sitting in a something very like a committee of supply, be-
expect from the conduct of those very men whose measures
cause they were debating a proposition which, however effec-
had already lost us America, and incited France and Spain to
tual it might prove, and however practicable it might turn
pursue those hostile steps that they were now taking against
out, would, certainly and at all events, be a great national
us ? He complained of the state of the navy as scandalously
btiuLt, hen, as well in point of inconvenience as in point of ex-
unequal to the present exigency of affairs, after the immense
Pence,) " that they were to confine themselves to the ques-
sums that had been voted for it, and the repeated assertions
and that the question was merely whether the bill upon
that it should be superior to the united fleets of France and
the table should be read a second time or not." in a mo-
Spain, and urged a great many strong arguments in proof
ment like the present, every thing which every man could
that the ministry ought not to be trusted any longer.
suggest for the better defence of the kingdom was worth listen-
ing to ; the country stood in need of all its resources, and all
The bill was brought in and read a first time.
Its wisdom; and however the learned gentleman might wish to
screen the guilt of his friends, and therefore might think.
VOL. I.
0
z 94
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
:BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
19;
EJUIle_
1779.]
proper to interrupt the noble lord when he was spealtia,,
ialit to expect, especially in the last instance that occurred
plain truths, gentlemen would not be thus rendered
r
du/4
a vacancy, because he was then the oldest major in the
opinions he trusted would be freely given ; and as the
(„C
. How different was the conduct of ministers respecting
present
administration were the immediate cause of all our rnisfors
corps
he Scotch new raised regiments ! The Scotch lords who
tunes, he hoped no gentleman would keep back his se
t
ntiments
raised them were suffered to appoint their own officers, and.
respecting their conduct.
the ministers never once interfered in the appointments. He
Having said thus much, he would now speak to that point
of noblemen and gentlemen
which principally occasioned his rising that day, and that was,
Enid it was this sort of treatment
ofthe most respectable characters, that gave such disgust, and
his finding, from what the noble lord read said, that his having
made the noble lord in the blue, ribbon so odious in the eyes
voted the preceding evening in favour of the bill had been
much misunderstood. He had been far from meaning to have
of ith e nation.
4c
that neither now, nor before, was he inclined
it conceived that he thought, and far indeed from conceiving
to give the preference to the mode of raising the militia as
himself; that the mode of raising the force of the country, held
by the bill then under consideration : but there was a
out and proposed by the bill, was preferable to tl-at of raising
offered
point of infinitely more consequence, a point the noble lord
regiments agreeably to the handsome offers of noblemen and
who spoke a short time since, had grossly Iris-stated, to which
others, which had been made to government. He had not
it was highly necessary that he should give the most flat and
said a syllable which led to such an idea, and the reason why
peremptory denial. The noble lord, after owning that we had
lie had not, was, because he entertained no such opinion.
no foreign alliances, had triumphantly spoken of unanimity, -
The offers that had been made by the Duke of Rutland, the
and congratulated gentlemen on that side of the House, upon
Earl of Derby, the Earl of Harrington, and others, were so
having allied themselves with those who sat on the other.
liberal, and upon such advantageous terms to the public, that
This was an assertion for which there was not the smallest
it was impossible to impute the relbsal of them on the part of
foundation, and it was impossible for him to state, in any
government to any thing else than the remains of that miser-
phrase that language would admit of; the shock lie felt when
able partiality to the Scotch which had so long disgraced this
the noble lord ventured to sumrest what was most exceedingly
,
country. Last year, when Scotch noblemen offered to raise
grating to his ears, and he doubted not to those of every gen-
regiments, the offers were greedily accepted, and warmly en-
tleman who sat near him. What ! enter into an alliance with
couraged; the public were even put to the expence of levy
those very ministers who had betrayed their country ; who
money on the occasion. The conduct of government had
had prostituted the public strength, who had prostituted the
been very different now : there was a motive, indeed, to which
public wealth, who had prostituted what was still more valua-
he could impute their refusal in one instance, and that was,
ble, the glory of the nation The idea was too monstrous to
the finger of persecution was pointed at one of the noble lords
be admitted for a moment. Gentlemen must have forgone
who was among those that made the offer. That persecution
their principles, and have given up their honour, before they
was aimed at his whole family, and had been instanced on
could have approached the threshold of an alliance so abomina-
more than one occasion. The House pretty generally calling
ble, so scandalous, and so disgraceful i Did the noble lord
upon Mr. Fox to name the person alluded to ; he said he
think it possible that he could ally himself with those ministers
would speak out, he alluded to the Earl of Derby, who, on ac-
who had led us on from one degree of wretchedness to an-
count of his unfortunate family connection,--unfortunate
other, till at length they had brought us to the extreme moment
merely in that point of view, but highly honourable in itself;
of peril, the extreme verge of destruction? ally himself with
because every man in the kingdom would have been happy to
those ministers who had lost America, ruined Ireland, thrown
have been allied to General Burgoyne,—was proscribed and
Scotland into tumult, and put the very existence of Great Bri-
was never to be forgiven : by never to be forgiven he meant,
tain to the hazard ! ally himself with those ministers who had,
as long as the present administration had any power. To
as they now confessed, foreseen -the Spanish war, the final mis-
chew that he was warranted in asserting that the present
chief which goaded us to destruction, and yet had from time to
ministry were determined to persecute the noble earl and his
that a Spanish war was not to be feared !
family, he mentioned their having three separate times
tune told parliament
refined
ally himself with those ministers, who, knowing of the prospect
the noble earl's brother the lieu tenant-coloneley of the Liver-
of a Spanish war, had taken no sort of pains to prepare for it !
pool regiment : a situation and a sort of rank which he had a
himself with those ministers who had, when they knew of
1.13r
0 2
196
BILL FOR D OUBLING THE MILITIA.
BILL r OR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
[June 2z.
197
1719•]
a Spanish war, declared in parliament no longer ago than last
at, he placed
confide
in-
em , or had
Tuesday, that it was right for parliament to be prorogued, for
for sup
pos
t e lea
hog
hpest in thot success orag
nyood to thee
he coun
thtry from any
that no Spanish war was to be dreaded, and yet had eorne
down two days afterwards with the Spanish
they could possibly do for it. He owned himself to be
r
thing
himself with those ministers
escript !
completely despondent, and though there was the utmost una-
who knowing of a Spanish war
'
and knowing that they had not more than thirty sail of the
nimity in the gentlemen who acted with him, it was not the
line ready to send out with Sir Charles Hardy, had sent ou
sort, of unanimity the noble lord had alluded to ; it was unit-
t
to exert every nerve, and to touch upon every string
Admiral Arbuthnot to America with seven sail of the line,
DiMity
and a large body of troops on board ! ally himself with those
likel y to contribute, in any manner whatever, to rescue the
country from that peril in which the ministers had involved
ministers, who knowing of a Spanish war, had suffered seven
it was not an unanimity which rested upon confidence
ships of the line lately to sail to the East Indies, though two
it, but
or three ships were all that were wanted for that service,
in administration, or the least expectation of success from
and
their measures. The zeal, therefore, of his friends in the
the rest might have staid at home to reinforce the great fleet
of England.
cause of their country, was the more eminent, because they
! ally himself with those ministers, who knowing
offered their lives and fortunes even under those men whom
of a Spanish war, and knowing that the united fleets of the
house of Bourbon consisted of at least forty; perhaps fifty,
they could not trust, and under whom, officers of such exalted
character, and such eminent military talents as Admiral Kop-
•
and possibly sixty sail of the line, had suffered Sir Charles to sail
pel and Lord Howe, declared they could not, consistently
on Wednesday last, the day before the Spanish. rescript was,
with their honour, serve.
as they knew, to be delivered, with not thirty sail of the line,
The noble lord, who spoke some time since, had said we
although if he had staid a week longer, he might have beek.
had no foreign alliances, and had declared to God he knew
reinforced with five or six, or, as ministry themselves said; '
not why. This was a severe charge upon the _noble lord in
seven or eight more capital ships ! To ally himself with men
the blue ribbon and his colleagues ; for what was it but con-
capable of such conduct, would be to ally himself to disgrace..
fessing that we were deserted and abandoned by all Europe,
and ruin. He begged therefore for himself and for his friends,
and by implication, declaring that the conduct of ministers
to disclaim any such alliance ; and he declared he was the ra-
must have been unaccountably bad, to have occasioned an
ther inclined to disavow such a connection, because from the
event not to be imagined possible to have happened. He,
past conduct of ministers he was warranted to declare and to
however, would tell the noble lord why we had had no foreign
maintain, that such an alliance would be something worse
alliances. All Europe saw the wretched and disgraceful state
than an alliance with France and Spain, it would be an alli-
into which ministers had plunged us ; and could it be expect-
ance with those who pretended to be the friends of Great
ed that any court in their senses would ally themselves with
Britain, but who were in fret and in truth her worst enemies.
misery and ruin ? The noble lord, however, had forgot 'that
Having urged this in a most impassioned tone, Mr. Fox
we had allies in Germany, the Landg,Tave of Hesse and the
declared, that he should support the present bill, or rather
Duke of Brunswick were our allies. Let gentlemen look at
he should not oppose it, because, in the situation that affairs
that part of the conduct of ministers. They had bound us
then stood, every measure which tended to call out the strength
down by treaty to assist mitt-support both or either of those
of the country was proper. He could not however but own,
princes whenever they were attacked. The faith of the na-
it was a measure of a more spirited nature than he ever
thought the present ministry would have 'proposed,
tion was now pledged for this, and in case of a rupture be-
because,
tween the courts of Hesse or Brunswick, and any other
after their repeated assertions that the country was in no dan-
power, in case of a war being lighted up in Germany in the
ger, that Spain meant to stand neuter, and that a war with
the united forces of the House of Bourbon was not to be
Progress of our present contest, (no very improbable circum-
s
dreaded, he did not think any men had arrived at such an un-
tance,) what must be the consequence ?, The faith of this
common pitch of assurance, as to have stood up
nation must be broken, for it would be morally impossible for
themselves
Us to adhere to the treaty. This was one among many of the
and proposed a measure which gave the lie direct to all they
precious consequences that had attended our eagerness to en-
had been saying during the whole session of parliament.
ter upon the accursed American liar, our haste to cut the
At the same time, however, he declared he should vote
throats and pick the pockets of our brethren across the
for the bill, he meant not to give ministers the least grounds
Atlantic.
3
w914,
BILL PUB. DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
199
BILL FOR DOUBLING THE MILITIA.
[June
9°3
07
e, that Earl Gower, lord president of the council, and both
He took notice of the assertion of his right honourable
0
able
of state, voted against the compulsory principle of
friend (Mr. Thomas Townshend) the preceding day, relative
secretaries
to the treachery and corruption which had been stated to pte..
the bill.
nail in the cabinet. Though he had no proof of such a charge,
Jay 2.
this he would however say, that the noble lord in the blue an
bon must certainly have sold his own opinion, and adopted
Thus disembowelled of all its original substance, the skeleton
that of other men, or he never could have acted in the man.
of the bill was returned to the Commons, with nothing of efficacy
ner he had clone. He verily believed what he now said, and
remaining, except supplemental clause .added .by Lord Beau-
added, that it was perfectly indifferent to him whether the
p for the raising oi volunteer companies. Sir Grey Cooper
cham,
noble lord had sold his opinion to the king of France for.
moved, that the amendments made by the Lords be taken
havin g
•
French gold, or whether he had sold it to any other person,
into consideration, a debate on the point of privilege ensued.
or disposed of it to his colleagues in office for their fine words,
IVir. Fox said, he would take the opportunity of saying a
and their promises of honour and emolument. It was im-
farewell word or two to the minister for the present session.
possible it could be otherwise; it was impossible that men no.
torious for their being men of sense, of judgment, of acknow.
1-Ic then attacked the noble lord in the blue ribbon, on the
ledged talents, should. pursue a line of conduct so opposite to
repeated calls upon the House, which were made by those
sense, so grossly weak, so ignorant, and so absurd. The
who sat near him, (when the bill then before them was origi-
noble lord in the blue ribbon had great natural abilities;
nally brought in,) to act with unanimity and spirit. He
those abilities had been matured and improved by an excellent
stated the reception the bill had met with in that House, every
education; he had in that House given repeated instances of
man agreeing to it, or rather forbearing to oppose it, not be-
his talents; he had charmed frequent audiences with his wits
cause they approved of it, but because they were not willing
his humour, and his reasoning; how, then, was the opposi-
to embarrass administration when they offered a measure pro-
tion between his language and his conduct to be reconciled?
fessedly designed to call out the national force, and to add to
it Was true, indeed, that speaking and doing were distinct
the security and defence of the kingdom in an hour, when the
and very different things, but let gentlemen look at the con-
ministers themselves stated it to be in the most imminent clan-
duct of the ministry as private men. Had they let their own
, ger of invasion. It had passed that House unanimously; but
estates go to ruin ? Had they given any signs of personal ne-
what was its reception in the other? Where was the spirit
glect or inattention to their own interests ?— quite the con-
and the unanimity which the noble lord in the blue ribbon
had preached up ? Were the members of the king's cabinet
trary. They had taken good care of their wealth ; they had
increased their riches.
unanimous? Were they ready to adopt the measure as a
He concluded with repeating, that though he voted for the
measure of good policy, and to carry it into execution with
spirit? No such thing. No two lords of the council were. of
bill, he did not mean it to be understood as a token of his pre-
ferring the raising the militia to raising new regiments,
one opinion ; the divisions of the cabinet respecting the mea-
agreeably to the offers of the two noble dukes and noble earls.
sure had followed the bill into parliament. The lord presi-
so far from feeling that unanimity which the noble lord
That he had not the least confidence in the present ministers,
dent,
and that so far from being ready to enter into an alliance with
in the blue ribbon had recommended, had openly declared
them, he thought they merited punishment ; and although
his fears that the bill was impracticable, and had proposed a
there were among them individuals for whom he had
plan totally different from every idea suggested in the bill.
the
highest personal respect, yet he thought their official conduct
He begged, therefore, that ministers would not again have
the impertinence to talk of unanimity and spirit ; for, un-
collectively so infamous, and so prejudicial to the interests of
their country, that were the times ripe for bringing them to
doubtedly, it was impertinent and insulting to the last degree,
for any set of men to recommend that to 'Others, of which they
punishment, he would join most heartily in supporting the
measure.
were themselves incapable of holding out an example.
Having said this, Mr. Fox went into a consideration of the
The bill was read a second time. It afterwards passed the Com-
little hope there was of any good from the present ministers,
mons, but in the Lords, the clause enabling the king to double the
and asked where could a set of gentlemen now be found that
-.militia was rejected by a considerable majority. It was remark-
would say they had any confidence in administration? The
0 4
200
BILL FOR D OUBLING THE MILITIA.
ADDRESS ON THE ICING'S SPEECH.
201
1779'3
bill which had been that day brought from the other Rou se
as he before said, from any approbation of the bill, but from
was a proof that they were shamefully indecisive and h idir
ferent; that so far from having sufficiently digested their
wish to suffer them, in one instance, to act of themselves,
"flea,
1 to try, by giving them rope enough, (he wished to God
sures before they came to parliament to propose them, they
0
they had made a proper use of the rope !) whether they were
had not even ascertained their practicability. The opposition
or were not capable of proposing any one salutary measure,
in the other House was chiefly made by the lords lientenar4
nd carrying it through parliament. The result was, a fresh
of counties, the very persons into whose hands the execution.
fievidence of their incapacity, and the manner in which the
bill would necessarily devolve, and who of all men we4
noble lord in the blue ribbon had treated the bill in its pro-
the most capable of judging whether it was or was not practi.
cable. He desired to know why ministers had not
°Tess through that House, as well as the readiness with which
con sulted
was willing to adopt the wretched remnant of it sent down
the lords lieutenants of counties respecting it, before they pro-
fie
posed it to parliament, and
from the Lords, showed incontestably that indifference which
said, if the idea of contemning
marked every part of his conduct. To that indifference he
aristocracy had prevailed so far, as to prevent such a necessary
ascribed all the mischiefs that had befallen this devoted
consultation from taking place, it was a futile and improper
country, and declared that the fate of the bill would not be
objection. With regard to the present remnant of the bill
a slight one'; ministers alone, however, were answerable for
which they had sent up to the Lords, (lb• a remnant it was,
it, Opposition, for the reasons he had stated, having no share
and a most inefficacious remnant, the very vitals of the bill as
in the responsibility; and he trusted the matter would be seen
it originally stood, having been taken out,) it was to all intents
in its true light by Europe and all the world.
and purposes a money bill; and to argue that it was not so,
merely because it did not originate in . a committee of supply,
The bill as amended by the Lords was curried, on a division, by
or a coimnittee of the whole House, was the most childish dis-
majority of 63 to 45.
tinction that he had ever heard. bid not the bill, as ori-
V.
nally framed, contain dclause, enabling his majesty to augment
his militia, a power which imposed a burthen on the subject,
and for the expence of which their money was appropriated
by another bill, to which this especially referred ? Who,
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE
then, would say that it was not a money bill; and who
would be so weak as to advise the amendments of
SESSION.*
- the Lords
to be read, when, even if the motion were agreed to, it would
November 25.
only carry the House a step farther, at which they must neces-
sarily stop, and at which the bill must inevitably be thrown
THE King opened the session with the following Speech
out and rejected ? It were better to proceed regularly; to throw
out the bill then, and to begin de novo; the difference of par-
" My Lords and Gentlemen ; I meet you in parliament at a
liament continuing to sit a few days longer, was nothing in
time when we are called upon by every principle of duty, and
comparison of the mischiefs, of the dangerous consequences to
dangerou
every consideration of interest, to exert our united efforts in the
the nation, which might ensue, if that
support and defence of our country, attacked by an unjust and un-
acquiesced in a
violation Of its privileges in any one instance.
provoked war, and contending with one of the most dangerous
Having enforced this strongly, he recurred to his attack on
confederacies that ever was formed against the crown and people
administration, and said it was evident they acted better, and
more wisely when they were opposed, than when they were
A few days before the meeting of parliament, Earl Gower, ldrd pre-
left to themselves. While that side of the House continued
Wlent of the council, resigned that high office, and was succeeded by Earl
to harass them, and to throw obstacles in their way, it served
Bathurst. Lord Weymouth likewise resigned his office of secretary of
as a spur to their activity, and gave them a degree of firmness,
state for the southern department, and was succeeded by the Earl of Hills-
•
borough. Lord Stormont, late ambassador at Paris, was appointed to the
of caution, of "unanimity, and of spirit," which it was now
northern department ; the business of which bad been conducted by Lord
evident was not their natural characteristic. In the present
Weymouth, since the death of the Earl of Suffolk. And the old place of
case, their calls upon gentlemen to be unanimous, had been
rst lord of trade and plantations, which bad. been absorbed and included
fi
listened to on both sides of that House, and listened to, not,
in the new office of secretary of state for the colonies, was now separated,
p nd bestowed upon the Earl of Carlisle.
ADDRESS ON TI1E RING'S SPEECH.
203
202
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov. 25.
1170
,„a trusting to the very utmost extent of rational confidence, his
of Great Britain.—The designs and attempts of our enemies to
,„esty will expect to receive the honest opinion of a faithful and
invade this kingdom, have, by the blessing of Providence, been
4iAectionate parliament, wo should think they betrayed
hitherto frustrated and disappointed. They still menace us with
distinctly
great armaments and preparations ; but we are, I trust, on our
part, well prepared to meet every attack, and to repel every
t majesty, in words, what the world has seen in most calamitous
is
disgraceful effects ; that if any thing can prevent the consum-
I know the character of my brave people: the menaces of their
enemies, and the approach of danger, have no other effect on
mation -of public ruin, it can only be new councils and new coun-
their
sellors, without further loss of time, a real change, from a sincere
minds, but to animate their courage, and to call forth that national
conviction of past errors, and not a mere palliation, which must
spirit, which has so often checked, and defeated, the projects of
prove fruitless." The amendment was opposed by Mr. William
ambition and injustice, and enabled the British fleets and armies to
Adam, Lord North, Mr. Dundas Mr. Jenkinson, and Mr. Attor-
protect their own country, to vindicate their own rights, and at the
ney General ; and supported by Mr. Hartley, Mr. James Grenville,
same time to uphold, and preserve, the liberties of Europe, from
Mr. Thomas Townshend, Admiral Keppel, Mr. Pox, Mr. Burke,
the restless and encroaching power of the house of Bourbon-4n
the midst of my care and solicitude for the safety and welfare of
and Mr. Temple Luttrell.
this country, I have not been inattentive to the state of my loyal
and faithful kingdom of Ireland. I have, in consequence of your
Mr. Fox rose, he said, to express his astonishment at the
addresses, presented to me in the last session, ordered such papers
paradoxical mode of reasoning adopted by an honourable
to be collected and laid before you, as may assist your deliberations
gentleman (Mr. Adam,) who introduced his speech with in-
on this important business ; and I recommend it to you to consider
forming the House on which side lie intended to vote when
what further benefits and advantages may be extended to that
the House should come to a division, namely, in favour of
kin gdom, by such regulations, and such methods, as may most ef-
administration. The motives which induced that honourable
fectually promote the common strength, wealth, and interests of all
gentleman to change sides, were rather curious, and of the
my dominions.
first impression. At the beginning of the last session he
" Gentlemen of the House of Commons ; The proper estimates
thought the ministers wrong, but the operations of the last
shall, in due time, he laid before you. I see, with extreme con-
cern, that the necessary establishments of my naval and military
campaign bad taught him to think that ministers were right ;
forces, and the various services and operations
or in other words, that having once thought Ill of them, a line
of the ensuing year,
must inevitably be attended with great and heavy expences ; but
of conduct, still more disgraceful, more infamous, more de-
I rely on your wisdom and public spirit, for such supplies as the
atructive and ruinous, had at once clone away the bad impres-
circumstances and exigencies of our affairs shall be found to
sion which their less humiliating and less mischievous conduct
require.
challenged, and had determined him to support them ! This,
" My Lords and Gentlemen ; I have great satisfaction in re-
he would be bold to say, was soaring to the very summit of
newing the assurances of my entire approbation of the good con-
political paradox, and parliamentary enigma. The honour-
duct and discipline of the militia, and of their steady perseverance
able gentleman had said, that there were men in administra-
in their duty ; and I return my cordial thanks to all ranks of my
loyal subjects who have stood forth in this arduous conjuncture,
tion who were possessed of great abilities, and who enjoyed
and, by their zeal, their influence, and their personal service, have
the confidence both of their sovereign and their country.
(riven confidence as well as stren gt,th to the national defence.
NA/There was he to seek for them? Would the honourable
Trusting in the Divine Providence, and in the justice of my cause,
gentleman be so kind as to direct his steps, and enlighten his
I am firmly resolved to prosecute the war with vigour, and to
researches? -Was he to look for them at the head of the
make every exertion in order to compel our enemies to listen to
army? There he would find an officer, who, he was certain,
equitable terms of peace and accommodation."
had entirely lost the confidence of the whole body over whose
An Address in approbation of the speech being moved by Lord
interests and immediate government he had been raised, fbr
Lewisham, and seconded by Lord Parker, the following amend-
the apparent purpose of protecting and regulating, and that
ment was moved by Lord John Cavendish : viz. " To beseech his
majesty to reflect upon the extent of territory, the power, the
by a partial distribution of favours,.military rank, and refusing
opulence, the reputation abroad, and the concord at home, which
military merit its just and dear-bought reward ; because scarce
distinguished the opening of his majesty's reign, and marked it as
an instance had happened, since; on an unfortunate and ill-
the most splendid and happy period in the history of this nation ;
omened day, his lordship was appointed commander-in-chief;
and, when he shall have turned his eyes on the endangered, impo-
in which he did not finnish repeated proofs, that, military re-
verished, distracted, and even dismembered state of the whole;
wards were snatched from the well-entitled veteran, and con-
after all the grants of successive parliaments, liberal to profusion)
ferred on those, who had no other recommendation to hi*
Z04
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
CNA
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
205
079'3
notice than an influence, which he should, as the fiitho'arid
protector of the army, have set his face against in the niost
,
seine gentlemen have been pointed out in the general in-
unreserved and direct manner. Was it in the
vective alluded to, and high as his opinion of their abilities
se cretary of
state's office, that he was to search ? There, indeed, he oun.bt
was, he believed, it was not in their power to save their coun-
present, at least without an absolute change of systems;
to find a man, whose knowledge of foreign courts and
try at
interests
might render him an able negotiator. But there again he
a measures as ,-well as men ; bottomed on the full and unre-
would be d isappointed ; for no such person was to be found
in that office. Was it at the treasury or admiralty-boards
that his enquiries were to meet with the satisfaction
cleared to the public, without inserting the following paragraph in the
sought?
Alas ! lie had little reason to look for success at either. After
newspapers.
a fruitless search through all the
" We have authority to assure the public, that, in a conversation that
d epartments of the state, the
passed between Mr. Fox and Mr. Adam, in consequence of the debate in
honourable gentleman had led hint to the court of
“ the House of Commons, on Thursday last, Mr. Fox declared, that, how-
There, indeed, he
cha
a
ncery.
cknowledged that a noble and learned
ever much his speech may have been misrepresented, he did not mean to
lord
sat, of the first abilities, who did infinite honour to his bench;
throw any personal reflection upon Mr. Adam."
Major Humberston does me the honour of delivering this to you, and
his lordship was in full possession of public confidence, but it
will bring your answer.
was a confidence in the chancellor, in the noble lord's pro-
Mr. Fox to Mr. ADAM.
fessional abilities, not as a minister; for the people did not
suppose that his station, his habits, or the duties of his
Sir, I am very sorry to say that it is utterly inconsistent with my ideas
.office,
of propriety, to authorise the putting any thing into the newspapers relative
allowed him much time to turn his attention to the political
to a speech, which, in my opinion, required no explanation. You, who
interests of the nation, or fitted him for the task.
heard the speech, must know, that it did convey no personal reflection
The honourable gentleman had taken an admirable method
upon you, unless you felt yourself in the predicament upon which I ani-
of commending ad
madverted. The account of my speech in the newspapers is certainly in-
ministration, by saying, that there were men
correct, and certainly unauthorised by me ; and therefore, with respect to
more incapable among those who aspired to their places. He
that, I have nothing to say.
did not know how ministers would receive this aukward
Neither the conversation that passed at Brookes's, nor this letter, are
paradoxical co
and
mpliment, but he
a secret nature, and if you have any wish to relate the one, or to show the
knew that if he were a mi-
nister, and a man should come to hint and say,
other, you are perfectly at liberty so to do. I am, &c.
44 Sir, I can-
not defend you on the ground of your own conduct, it is so
Mr. ADAM to Mr. Fox.
replete with blunders, absurdities, and inconsistencies, that all
Chesterfield Street, half past three, Sunday, November 28, T779:
my abilities cannot even palliate them; but I will tell you
Sir, as you must be sensible, that the speech printed in the newspapers
what I can do to serve you : I will
reflects upon me personally ; and, as it is from that only that the public can
inform
men who oppose
the world, that
you
have their information, it is evident, that unless that is contradicted by
are more ignorant, more inconsistent;;.,
your authority, in as public a manner as it was given, my character must be
more infamous, and more disgraceful than yourself:"—on heare
injured. Your refusal to do this, entitles me to presume that you approve
ing such an address, for his part, he would instantly reply,
of the manner in which that speech has been given to the public, and jus-
" Begone ! begone, wretch ! who &lightest in libelling man-
tifies me in demanding the only satisfaction that such an injury will admit of.
kind, c
Major Humberston is employed to settle all particulars ; and, the sooner
onfOunding virtue and vice, and insulting the man
this affair is brought to a conclusion, the more agreeable to me; I have
whom thou pretendest to defend, by saying to his face; that he
the honour to be, <W.
certainly is infamous, but that there are others still more so."
STATEMENT.
Monday, Nov. 29.
The c
In consequence of a previous misunderstanding between the honourable
onsequence of this speech was a duel between Mr. Fox and
Adam, in which Mr.
Mr.
1\\ ft% Charles Fox and Mr. Adam, they met, according to agreement, at.
Fox was wounded. The quarrel is sufficiently ex-
eight o'clock this morning in Hyde Parks After the ground had been mea-
plained by the following letters and statement, which were published at
the time by authority :
sured out, at the distance of fourteen paces, Mr. Adam desired Mr. Fox' to
fire ; to which Mr. Fox replied, " Sir, I have no quarrel with you ; do you
Mr. ADAM to Mr. Fox.
fire." Mr. Adam then fired, and wounded Mr. Fox, which, we believe,
St. Alban's Tavern, Saturday,
was not at all perceived by Mr. Adam, as it was not distinctly seen by either'
4 o'clock afternoon, Nov. 27, r779,e
of ourselves. Mr. Fox fired without effect. We then interfered, asking
Mr. Adam presents Ids compliments to Mr. Fox, and beg leave to re=
present to him, that upon considering, again and agailia
Mr. Adam if he was satisfied ? Mr. Adam replied, " Will Mr. fox de-
between them last night, it is impossible for him to n what had- passed. l'
clare he meant no personal attack upon my character ?" Upon which Mr.
ve his character
Vex said, this was no place for apologies, and desired him to go on. Mr.
206
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov. 25,
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
20"
1779.]
served confidence of the sovereign on one side, and every
trifling a subject to challenge any part of his majesty's atten-
assistance which such a constitutional confidence could give;
tion, or to have the least notice taken of it in the speech from
nay he believed that if even the great Earl of Chatham were
the throne ? or was it totally extinct and given to oblivion?
alive, a man in whom the people believed to reside a quoddam
The American war was now, it seemed, treated with the same
diainum, he would be found unequal to the task of restoring
:silence in his majesty's speech as he would treat the war of
the glory. and dignity of the British empire, if the present
ancient Troy, with which he had nothing to do. But he wish-
ruinous system were not first done away, and the very seeds of
ed ministry would speak out and say whether the American,
it exterminated. The words of the amendment were taken,
like the Trojan war, was totally past, and no longer to be re-
he said, from that noble earl, when he first heard his opinion
membered in that House? If that was their determination,
on the necessity of a real change, a change that would effec-
where was the British army under Sir Henry Clinton ? why
tually bring about the purposes for which it was designed ; a
were our brave countrymen to be kept in a state of disgusting
change of system, without palliatives. He confessed he did
inactivity where no war was to be carried on ? If there was
not then clearly understand the noble lord's meaning, but he
no American war in fact existing, except in the swelled cata-
had been since fatally convinced of its true import, which
logue of our public accounts, why was an army of 6o,000 men
strengthened the former opinion lie entertained of that great
-
suffered to moulder away at New York, and be the painful
b •
man's political penetration nand transcendant abilities. He
witnesses of the enemy's unrepelled attacks ? to see their near
saw very early indeed, in the present reign, the plan of go-
posts carried by the enemy without an effort on their part to
vernment which had been laid down and had since been in-
preserve them? If it was true that General Clinton had an
variably pursued in every department ; it was riot the mere
army of Americans only, who exceeded the number of
rumour of the streets that the king was his own minister; the
Washington's whole force, how was this inactivity to be ac-
fatal truth was evident, and. had made itself visible in every
counted for?
circumstance of the war carried on against America and the
He next took a short review of the naval and military
West Indies. There was not the least intelligence in the
operations in the \\Vest Indies. He displayed the weakness
West Indies perceptible between the king's officers in the
of administration in sending out 3500 men with Admiral
most kindred departments. Had not all such intelligence
Arbuthnot, to reinforce an inactive army, already sufficiently
been destroyed by an invisible cabinet influence, could it ever
numerous, if they were themselves to be believed, when with
have happened that there should he in one of our lately cap-
that force our islands, now in possession of the enemy, might
tured islands 150 pieces of ordnance, and only 4o men to
have bid defiance to the descent of Count D'Estaign. He gave
work them ? Could there have been in one place cannon
praise most liberally to that part of the British fleet which en-
without balls, and in another balls without cannon ? In short,
gaged the count; but inveighed strongly against the authors
could mere ignorance in ministers produce of itself so many
of the unfortunate circumstance respecting the powder, by
complicated blunders as the last seven years have furnished,
which our seamen saw their balls fall harmless into the water
to render the present reign the most disgraceful period in the
short of the enemy, whilst our ships received the greatest
annals of this country.
damage at the same time from their shot. He expatiated
He then asked, what was become of the American war?
very powerfully upon the neglects by which our coasts and
that war which had cost this nation so many millions, and so
docks were exposed to danger during the late alarms of inva-
pinch bloodshed from our brave countrymen ! Was it too
sion : and made many severe comments upon the operations
of the navy on that occasion ; particularly on the dishonour-
able circumstance of their flight from an enemy, superior to
Adam fired his second pistol without effect. Mr. Fox fired his remaining
them indeed, but which became so, by the shameful folly of
pistol in the air : and then saying, as the affair was ended, he had no diffi-
administration, in not preventing the junction of the fleets of
culty in declaring, he meant no more personal affront to Mi. Adam than he.
Bourbon.
did to either of the other gentlemen present ; Mr. Adam replied, "
you have behaved like a man of honour." Mr. Fox then mentioned that
The minister had ventured to assert, that we were now in a
he believed himself wounded ; and, upon opening his waistcoat, it
better state than we were in at the close of the last session.
NV,ts
found lie was so, but to all appearance slightly. The parties then sepa-
And how does he prove his assertion ? said the honourable
rated; and Mr. Fox's wound, was, on examination, found not 'likely to
member. " The enemy intended to invade us and they have
produce any dangerous consequence.
RICHARD FITZPATRiCK.
T.
not clone it." (At the same time, by the bye, the noble lord
MACKENZIE HUMBERST014
208
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
209'
[Noy. 25 ,
7 9']
had expressed -his wishes, that they had landed.) Now the
federacies that ever was formed against the crown and people
only better prospect the noble lord has in view for his
of Great Britain ; and in so perilous a moment the minister
country
next spring is, that they may again attempt and happily that
avowed that government had not a single ally to look to for
- they may then be able to effect their purpose. If so, that this
assistance. But that was not the fault of administration ; it
year we were in more danger because the enemy did not land;
was owing to the ingratitude of the European powers. All
the next year we shall be in less danger, because they pro-
America had revolted from us ; but that was not the fault of
bably may be more successful, and actually effect a landing.
administration ; it was the disloyalty of the colonists. We
He then adt-erted to the mismanagement of the army;
had lost a considerable part of our West-India possessions ;
mentioning the general dissatisfaction that prevailed amongst
but that was not owing to the indolence of ministry ; it was
the. officers, on account of the mode of promotion in the new
owing to the activity . of D'Estaing, who took them from us I
levies. They did not murmur at little partialities shewn to
Ireland was in a tumult, and Scotland began to grumble ; but
a Rutland or a Harrington ; the usage of the army suffered
our immaculate ministers were still without blame ; the Scotch
some little deviation fiorn the strict rules of promotion in fa-
and. Irish were themselves the causes of their own distur-
Your of such men, and to attach them to the service; but when
bances. This was another mode of reasoning with which
officers of long service are told by a secretary at war, " You
ministers and their advocates insulted the understanding of
cannot have this or that promotion, because you are in the
parliament.
army ; but it may be givei•to
The noble lord in the blue ribbon had disclaimed the doc-
such or such a person, because
he never was in the army," who can wonder at their universal
trine held out by the followers of administration, relative to
disgust ? A very worthy friend of mine,' said he, (Lieu-
the King's being his own minister, but yet it was most certain
tenant Colonel Campbell,) being under orders to go to Jamaica,
that such a doctrine was daily dispersed by his followers, pro-
applied for the rank of colonel upon that service, but was an-
bably with an intention of paying their court to him, by pro-
swered that it could not he granted to him, but it was granted
pagating opinions the most disagreeable to their patron. The
to lord such a one.' " Very true, but he never had any rank
doctrine, however, was in itself highly- dangerous to the con-
before, and he will only hold it during the war." The rea-
stitution, as it tended to take responsibility from the shoulders
soning deducible from this answer is not incurious; and: the
of the ministers and place it on a personage who could do no
conclusion is most worthy of remark. Says the secretary at
wrong, and could not be called to account. However, he
war, he that never served before, and is presumed to be igno-
would observe, that though, in general, the evils of a reign
rant of the military profession, shall command you that are
were attributed to the wicked counsels of an abandoned
skilled in the art, during the war, when military abilities are
ministry; yet, when those evils reached to a certain height,
so essentially necessary in command ; but make yourself easy
ministers were forgotten, and the prince alone was punished.
about that, for when the war is over, and military skill is be-
Thus it was with the royal House of Stuart: Charles and his
come less necessary, you shall command him. The absurdity
son James had both wicked ministers, to whom, no doubt,
of this reasoning is only to be equalled by the ingenious finesse
the errors of their reigns ought to be chiefly ascribed ; and
which has been introduced by somebody, to obviate the diffi-
yet they themselves were punished, the one with loss of life,
culty with respect to officers on half pay, who consent to a
the other of his crown. This should be a lesson to sovereigns,
temporary forfeiture of a lieutenant's rank on the old estab-
and teach them to check their ministers, and not suffer them-
lishment, in order to obtain a company in one of the new regi-
selves to be blindly led by them, as they themselves may, for
ments. - The officer subscribes a paper, by which he engages
their ministers, bear the whole weight of their people's indig-
to give up his rank as a lieutenant ;or ever ; and the com-
nation.
mander-in-chief signs a defeasance at the bottom of it, by
There was not, he observed, in the whole history of this
which he engages that the officer shall be restored to his rank
country, a period that resembled the present, except the reign
at the end of the war He concluded this subject by chal-
of the unfortunate Henry VI. His family, like that of his
lenging the commander-in-chief or the secretary at war to
present majesty, did not claim the crown as their hereditary
say, whether either of them or whether any one was respon-
right; it was by revolutions that they both obtained it,
sible for the array department.
.
Henry was an amiable and pious prince ; so was his present
It was asserted in the speech from the throne, thdt the
majesty : Henry was the son of the most renowned monarch
nation had to contend with one of the most dangerous con-
that had ever sat upon our throne; George was the grandson
VOL. I.
210
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Noy. 23,
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH,
211
1779'1
of a hero : Henry lost all his father's conquests, and all iris
present parliament had been sitting, was so'fat beyond the
the
hereditary provinces in Trance: George had already seen the
natural effects of mere ignorance, that he could not help
conquests of his grandfather wrested from him in the West
adopting the opinion of his honourable friend (Mr. T. Towns-
Indies, and his hereditary provinces of America erected into
hend) that there was treachery at the bottom of the national
an empire, that disclaimed all connection with him.
councils. The noble lord might flatter himself as much as he
Ilis majesty had set out in life with the brightest prospects
pleased in the protection of a majority, or in the security of
that a young man could have wished for : possessed of im-
the law; but when a nation was reduced to such a state of
mense dominions, and the warmest affections of his people, his
v,Tetchedness and distraction that the laws could afford the
accession to the crown was completely flattering both to him-
people no relief; they would afford a minister who had caused
self and his subjects. How sadly was the scene reversed !
the evil but little protection. What the law of the land
his empire dismembered, his councils distracted, his people
could riot do, the law of nature would accomplish ; the people
falling off in their fondness for his person ! He said he only
would inevitably take up arms, and the first characters in the
spoke within doors the language that . was held without : the
kingdom would be seen in their ranks.
people were beginning to murmur, and their patience was not
After drawing a picture of the narrow and impolitic system
unlimited : they would at last do themselves justice : there
of the present reign, and contrasting it with the freedom and
certainly would be insurrections; and though it was impossible
glory of this country in the reign of our great deliverer, the
that the calamities4hat would attend them could be justified,
immortal William the Third, he turned his observations to
or compensated by any good that could be obtained by them,
the state of Ireland, which he said at present afforded one of
yet they certainly would take place.
the most critical situations, in which the two kingdoms ever
It was not a secret to that • House, that the present sove-
stood with respect to each other. Every evil that threatened
reign's claim to the throne of this country was founded only
us from that quarter he imputed directly to the bad policy of
upon the delinquency of the Stuart family; a circumstance,
administration last session. He did not mean, then, to offer
which should never be one moment out of his majesty's re-
any opinion upon what steps were proper to be taken in such
collection. It was true, indeed, that the unfortunate race of
a crisis. Circumstances were arrived at that nice point,
that name, was universally detested in this country ; and there-
that even the power of deliberation was almost taken away
fore his majesty had little to fear from their pretensions : but
from liras House. The situation of affairs was so very deli-
he should ever remember that it was the conduct of wicked
cate, that it was not easy for members to treat the subject in
and ignorant ministers that excited that detestation for them.
a becoming manner. They were almost as effectually barred
If there was at this day one of that unfortunate House remain-
from giving a free opinion on the case, as the members of the
ing, what a scope for upbraidings and remonstrance could he
Irish House, who had the bayonet at their breast, and were
not find in the present reign ! Could he not say, <G You
sworn by compulsion to vote as the people dictated. But
have banished my ancestor from the throne, and barred the
though he would not deliver his opinion in that House, neither
sceptre from all his progeny for the misconduct of his minis-
should any man know from him then what he thought ought
ters, and yet the ministers of the present reign are ten times
to be done ; he would venture to point out three lines of con-
more wicked and more ignorant than those were ; and whilst
duct, one of which he was certain must be adopted. Eng-
you all agree in giving to ,our present sovereign the title of
land must resist altogether the demands of Ireland, or she
best of princes, his ministers have rendered his reign beyond
must grant them in part or in the whole. If administration
any degree of comparison, the most infamous that ever dis-
intended to resist their demands, he counselled them for the
graced this nation." The minister, though with such a load
tt,
sake of mercy to do it instantly, and with every possible effort
of national censure and national calamity on his head, has the
of their force : if they meant to grant the whole of their de-
hardiness to boast of his innocence; but it was not a conscious
inands, lie as earnestl y advised them to do it without hesita-
rectitude of mind that could excuse a minister from criminality.
tion; although he could not but say, that even their readiest
-What he called innocence might be another name for igno-
-compliance would not now be considered as a concession ; the
rance, and ignorance in a minister was a crime of the first
refusal of their more reasonable requests in the late session,
magnitude. But the wide ruin: that the counsels of achninis-
and the loud voice now raised in that country, would suffi-
nam had spread through this great empire, and the miserable
viently mark it with the stamp of necessity.
state to which they had reduced it in the short space in which
If they should deem it proper to grant their demands only
P 2
•
212
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov.
DISCONTENTS IN IRELAND.
213
25;
1779.3
in part, he asked if they thought Ireland would now be con.,
the most prodigal waste of the public money. At the
tent with what she asked last session, and which was then fa-
Same time, he thought it his duty to say, that he entertained
tally denied to her? As he believed every man in that House
a very great respect for that young nobleman's private cha-
would answer the question in the negative, he desired admini.
racter, though he considered his public abilities much too
stration would draw from it this lesson, not to adopt the same
highly rated for his years and experience. He remarked how
little line of conduct that they had pursued with respect to
depraved, indeed, that administration must be, when those
America, and not deny in one session what they offer with addi-
who had supported them through so many dirty measures,
tions tile year following, yet still continuing to make little
were ashamed to associate with them any longer, and made
bargains until they had nothing left to bargain for. He
room for the changes which had happened that day. But it
then appealed to the House upon the propriety of their voting
was not by such changes that the nation could be relieved,
an address of thanks to his majesty for his " attention to the
and its constitution restored. Such changes were but pal-
state of his loyal and faithful kingdom of Ireland," and chal-
liatives, and nothing but an implicit compliance with the
lenged ministry to point out a single instance in which that
amendment then under consideration could save us from ruin,
attention had been manifested. The noble lord at the head
restore the empire to prosperity, and add lustre to the
of the treasury could not surely be in earnest when he de-
prince on the throne, by making him the happy sovereign of
clared that the American war had nothing to do with the af-
a free and affectionate people.
fairs of Ireland. Did not that ill-fated project appear most
conspicuous in every circumstaine of the present condition of
The question being put on the amendment, the House divided :
that kingdom ? What stripped Ireland of her troops ? "Was
Tellers.
Tellers.
it not the American war? What brought on the hostilities
YEAS SL.J.Cavendish} 134..—NoEs S Lord Hinchingbroolc} 233.
of France and put Ireland in fear of an invasion ? Was it
1 Mr. Byng
LMr. Robinson
passed in the negative. The original address was then
not the American war ? 'What gave Ireland the opportunity
So it
of establishing a powerful and illegal army? Certainly the
agreed to.
American war. When he called the associated forces an
illegal army, he did not mean to cast any odium upon the
associations. He was equally ready to acknowledge the ne-
cessity and the merit of the plan : but it was the accursed
American war that made that measure necessary, and render-
THE EARL OF UPPER OSSORY'S MOTION ON THE DISCON-
ed illegality meritorious.
TENTS IN IRELAND.*
If he might be allowed to hazard a conjecture upon the
determinations of government with respect to Ireland, he.
December 6.
thought it might be fair to believe, that they were disposed to
make large concessions. The appointment announced that
HIS day the Earl of Upper Ossory moved, " That it is highly
day, of the Earl of Hillsborough to be one of his majesty's se-
criminal in his majesty's ministers, to have neglected taking
cretaries of state, was the ground of this opinion. It was but
effectual measures for the relief of the kingdom of Ireland, and to
lately that his lordship had communicated the thanks of the
Irish parliament to their associated companies; and it was ge-
nerally said, that he had accepted the office upon the royal
" The parliament of Ireland met on the rata of October, and soon
hewed that they lied received a portion of the general spirit of the nation.
promise, that Ireland should have an equal trade. How a
They declared in their addresses to the throne, that nothing less than a free
certain learned member (the attorney general) could bring
and unlimited trade could save that country from ruin. The addresses
himself to support the man whom he had once Menaced with
people.
were carried up with great parade amidst the acclamations of the
an impeachment, he could not easily divine. He was equally
The Duke of Leinster, who commanded the Dublin volunteers, escorted
the Speaker in person upon that occasion ; whilst the streets were lined on
at a loss to assign any reason for the supernumerary appoint-
both sides, from the parliament-house to the castle, by that corps, drawn
ment of another noble earl (of Carlisle) to the board of trade.
up in their arms and uniforms. That nobleman had also moved for the
There appeared no reason for increasing the number of com-
thanks of the Lords to the volunteer corps throughout the kingdom, which
missioners at that board, at a time when the object of its busi-
was carried with only one dissenting voice.
" The associations and people at large, full of anger and jealousy, mani-
ness was not only decreased, but almost totally lost, except
fested strong apprehension s of political duplicity on this side of the water ;
P 3
215
21 4
DISCONTENTS IN IRELAND.
[Dec. 6'.
DISC44ENTS IN IRELAND.
7 7 9
have suffered the discontents in that kingdom to rise to such a
sage in the learned member's speech, who had dared to
height, as evidently to endanger a dissolution of the constitutional
arraign gentlemen on that side of the House, with causing
connection between the two kingdoms, and to create new embar-
by their inflammatory speeches, the misfortunes that this
rassments to the public councils, by division and diffidence, in a
devoted country had already felt; and the much greater that
moment, when real unanimity; grounded on mutual confidence
hreatened them of all men, whose inflammatory
and affection, is confessedly essential to the preservation of what
t
is left of the British empire.' The motion was seconded by Lord
harangues had concurred in bringing parliament and the
Midleton„ and supported by Mr. Burke, Mr. Thomas Town-
nation into those calamities, which he had the confidence to
shend, Mr. Fox, Colonel Barre, and Mr. Dunning. It was op-
attribute to persons who had all along done every thing in
posed by Sir John Wrottesley, Lord Beauchamp, Earl Nugent,
their power to prevent the predicted consequences : he, whose
Mr. Dundas, Mr. Macdonald, Lord North, Mr. Welbore Ellis,
inflammatory harangues had led the nation, step by step,
Lord George Germain, and the Attorney General.
from violence to violence, in that inhuman, unfeeling system
of blood and massacre, which every honest man must detest,
Mr. Fox* rose immediately after Mr. Dundas. It would
which every good man must abhor, and every wise man con-
be a Vain attempt to endeavour to follow the honourable gen-
demn : he, who had dealt in nothing but in exaggeration, in
tleman through a speech which took an hour and a. half in
the most inflammatory expressions, in incitements to revenge,
the delivery, and which was delivered with a rapidity of
and the horrid catalogue of monsters which follow in its train;
utterance, a flow of language, and in a strain of oratory rarely
—that such a man dared to impute the guilt of such measures
equalled. He felt, he said, the utmost indignation at a pas-
s
to those who had all along, in each successive step of its
progress, tbretold the consequences ; had prayed, intreated,
and supplicated, not even for America, but for the credit of the
and, perhaps, did not place a perfect confidence in the steadiness or perse-
verance
nation and its eventual welfare ; to arrest the hand of power,
of their own parliament. They were afraid, that they would be
meditating slaughter and directed by injustice; to reflect a
amused by fair and empty promises, until they had resigned their power
along with the national purse, by granting the supplies for the two follow-
single moment, and after counting the possible gain, compare
ing years, according to the customary mode in that country; being
it with the certain loss ; a loss of national reputation, of na-
no longer necessary to government, a sudden prorogation woud put an end
tional hmanity, of national justice, and, in fine, if nothing
to all hope of, at least, amicable redress, for the present. Under this op-
prehension, a short money bill,. for six
but interest was to sway the authors of this diabolical scheme,
mouths only, by which means parlia-
ment would still continue indispensably necessary to government, became
of national interest and national safety. What was the con-
the general cry of the nation.
sequence of the sanguinary measures recommended in those
"TM this innovation upon established form and method, was strongly op-
bloody, inflammatory speeches? Though Boston was to be
posed, particularly by the court party, the Du blin mob thought it necessary
to shew their zeal in the public cause; they were accordingly guilty ofgreat
starved; though Hancock and Adams were proscribed ; yet
7
and violent outrages, as well in their endeavours to enforce the measure, as
at the feet of these very men, the parliament of Great Britain
in their punishment of the refractory. Although the Irish parliament used
were obliged to kneel, to flatter, and cringe; and as they
proper measures to express their resentment, and to maintain their dignity
had the cruelty at one time to denounce vengeance against
upon this occasion- yet many of themselves being inclined to a vigorous
proceeding, and the rest borne down by a cry almost uni
those men, so they had the meanness afterwards to prostrate
y9rsal in the na-
tion, the representatives found it at length necessary to comply, and the
themselves before them mid implore their forgiveness.
short money bill was accordingly passed on that side : a necessity equally
Was he who called the Americans " Hancock and his
convincing, secured the passage of that humiliating and mortifying act in
En g
crew," to reprehend any set of men for inflammatory
land." Annual Register.
" This was the first time
speeches ? Or had sad experience, though not a real refor-
Mr. Fox had appeared in the House since the
,
duel with Mr. Adam. The debates were long, various, and interesting.
mation, so far altered his sentiments, that be found it necessary
All the wit, ability, and eloquence of the Opposition, were thrown out
to express himself in more favourable terms of Perry and his
without measure or reserve against the ministers. On their side, they- exert-
ed themselves much more than
crew [The Speaker of the Irish House of Commons]? The
they had done in the House of Lords. The
two great leaders and speakers of the Opposition in that House took a large-
softened, guarded language adopted by the learned gentleman,
share in the debate, and were as usual distinguished. The appearance of
might be easily accounted for. Perry and his crew had used
Mr. Fox, after his recovery from the wound which he had received in the
arguments particularly conciliating, convincing, and persua-
late duel, occasioned by something that had fallen from hint on the first day
sive, and they were no less powerful. The arguments of
of the session, afforded matter of much general curiosity ; and that incident
seemed now to have produced a renovation, rather than any detraction of'
Perry and his crew consisted of 4 2,000 bayonets.
his former spirit." Annual Register.
Ile would repeat, that this mode of defending administra-
I' 4
216
DISCONTENTS IN IRELAND.
217
[DOC.
DISCONTENTS IN rrit!e: _
6.
1779']
Lion, by libelling those who differed in opinion from them,
asked the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whether ministers
was, to the last degree, infamous and contemptible, and, in the
intended to persevere in the American war. He could not
particular instance, remarkably so. " The complaints," said
pretend to speak with precision, but he was informed that the
the learned gentleman, "have originated on this side of the
noble lord answered in the affirmative. It was this accursed
water, and have been sent over to Ireland." Was that the
war that had already lost us the empire of America. It was
case? Most certainly not; the charge was Use; he could give
this war, that caused the disgrace of the British flag, and had
it no other epithet. It was false and infamous; it was scan-
already stripped us of some of our most valuable 'West India
dalous. Were there no distresses in Ireland ? were there no
possessions. It was this war that had already rendered us
discontents before gentlemen on this side of the House
zn-
contemptible to all Europe, which caused us to be deserted by
•
had
.spoken on the subject? were there no men of understanding
our friends and allies, and despised and trampled upon by our
in Ireland ? Had. there been no pamphlets written in that
enemies. It was this ruinous war that had brought on the
kingdom, or newspapers published, or essayists, who discussed
distresses of Ireland. It was this war that had obliged the
the subject in print there ? If there were, and they had all
government here to abandon that of Ireland. It was this war
united in the same opinion, and in much stronger terms than
that had consequently armed Ireland, and, in short, induced
any thirc• which had come from the side of the I-Touse on
the people there to associate, in order to defend themselves, as
which he had the honour to sit, what would the wond think
well against their domestic enemies, the ministers of Great
of the man who dared to avow in his place, that the topics of
Britain, as their foreign foes.
complaint had been suggested by a particular description of
But to all this I expect to hear the noble lord shortly rise,
men in that House, and from thence had made their way to
and say, it was not I that caused America to resist ; their re-
Ireland? He was ashamed to dwell upon so trifling a circum-
sistance was rebellious, and they, not ministers, were the cause.
stance, but. he could not help expressing his resentment, when
It was not I that brought on the French war ; France united
he reflected on the injustice of the charge, and the purposes
with our rebellious subjects. It was France therefore was to
which it was apparently brought forward to promote. Were
blame. It was not I that was the author of the Spanish war ;
there no men of abilities in either House of Parliament in
Spain joined France, and it was France and Spain that were
Ireland ? Were Mr. Serjeant Burgh, Mr. Grattan, and several
•to blame. After anticipating for some time the presumed de-
other characters equally well known, and when known highly
fence the noble lord would make, he then attacked him very
respected, solely governed by what had fallen in debate in that
severely on account of his obstinacy, indolence, and general
House; or had the distresses of the country created a princi-
incapacity, and adverted to the recent resignation of two great
ple of union, directed to a general redress, which nothing but
officers of state (Lords Gower and Weymouth). Was it
the native feelings of the Irish nation gave birth to ?
merely the language of that side of the House, that the minis-
After having made several pointed animadversions, on what
try were incapable and neglectful, and the minister so habitu-
he called the inflammatory part of the learned gentleman's
ally indolent and inattentive to the duties of his office, that one
discourse, he endeavoured to trace the origin of all our evils
of the noble lords alluded to (Earl Gower) speaking to the
to its grand source, the American war. It was that accursed
very question, which was - the subject of the present motion,
war that had led us, step by step, into all our present misfor-
after declaring that the truth of it was clear to him, added,
tunes and national disgraces. What was the cause of our
but it is impossible to say what may be deemed a criminal
wasting forty millions of money, and sixty thousand lives ?
neglect in some men ; for some men are so overwhelmed with
The American war. What was it that produced the French
habitual indolence and inattention, that what may be deemed
rescript, and a French war ? The American war. What was
criminal in others, may only be a mixture of nature and habit
it that produced the Spanish manifesto and Spanish war? The
in them." Were the speeches made on that side the House
American war. What was it that armed
singular in their tenor from the general opinion which pre-
42,00o men in
Ireland, with the arguments carried on the point of
vailed without doors? He believed not. He was persuaded,
42,000
bayonets? The American war. For what were we about to
there was hardly a man out of that House, or indeed in it,
incur an additional debt of twelve or fourteen millions ? That
however he might vote that evening, who doubted of the total
accursed, diabolical, and cruel American war.
acit of ministers. What did the noble lord, whom he
He was not present the other evening when a very intellir
ihnacclately alluded to, say in the other House, a noble lord,
gent and ingenious gentleman below him (Mr. Hartley) had
v, ho lately presided in his majesty's councils, but " that lie
2 8
DISCONTENTS
2 19
IN
DISCONTENTS- IN IRELAND.
IRELAND.
[Dec. 6.
779.]
could no longer, having seen such things, remain there with
affairs of Ireland, because they were busily employed in more
honour or conscience." Was this the voice of faction, or the
essential matters; with the defence, for instance, of Great
random assertions of partial and uninformed men ? On the
Britain against the meditated invasion of our foreign enemies;
contrary, was it not the candid explicit declaration of a
with the naval operations at home; with the war in the West
person who had presided in those councils, who had been a.
Indies, or the war in America : but if they had been so negli-
witness to what was every day going forward there, who had
gent as to attend to no one part of their duty, and to have
yet declared himself of no party; and, speaking like an honest
done nothing the whole summer, the only defence they could
man, spoke out, saying, that beholding such things as he daily
set up was taken away.
saw transacting there, he could no longer continue a specta-
If the censure of ministers should not prove advantageous
tor, accountable to his Country, his sovereign, and himself,
both to England
he wished for no punishment
amktreland,
with honour or conscience ?
against any of them;,
could only originate in resentment
Wliich
The learned gentleman had said, that the distresses felt by
or revenge. He wished that punishment to operate as a pre-
Ireland were not brought on them by the present ministers,
ventive; for when it was taken up on any other ground than
but by the restrictive and other trade laws, passed in this
by way of prevention in future, by being rendered exemplary,
country. As a general proposition, he was ready admit it
it most clearly degenerated into personal enmity and revenge.
in part, though many of the internal grievances, he was ready
He could say fairly, that he had no enmity whatever to the
to prove, originated from government alone; but would the
noble lord in the blue ribbon, nor to any member of admini-
learned gentleman say, that the total loss of the American
stration : what made him so anxious was solely the good of his
trade, the most valuable part of the Irish commerce; the em-
country. It was the general calamities of the empire that had
bargo of the only export they had but linen, the increased
made Ireland poor; but it was the incapacity and negligence
•
taxes, and a variety of other causes, had not accelerated those
of government, that had rendered her bold and daring. It
distresses, if not entirely created them ? The learned gentleman
was, therefore, incumbent upon parliament, to shew their
had industriously endeavoured to shew, that the present mo-
fullest disapprobation of that indolence and incapacity, and
tion was incapable of proof, or so indefinite, as not to admit of
convince Ireland that they were as ready as themselves to re-
it. This was the most strange perversion of reasoning he had
sent and punish the cruel treatment, which they had received
ever heard. The proof lay within a very narrow compass.
from ministers. Ireland would see by such a conduct, that it
Was not the address of that House, and the king's answer,
was not this country but its ministers who were blameable ;
evidence of the duty imposed upon ministers ? Would minis-
which would, in his opinion, prove the surest means of once
ters say, that they had performed that duty ? They could
more binding both countries in the most indissoluble ties of
not; they dare not. The learned gentleman's fallacious mode
friendship and affection. This was the motive which ought
of stating the question, evidently involved the grossest absur-
to operate with Great Britain at the present minute. It had
dity; for the proof was clearly put upon them, that they had
been frequently urged in that House, that the strength of
discharged the duty so imposed upon them. The
government had been broken, its measures impeded, and its
onus lay
upon ministers, to shew what they had done in consequence
efforts rendered weaker by the struggles of party. He said,
of the address, or if they had done nothing, thawhey acted to
he knew but of two parties in the kingdom. His majesty's
the utmost, as fin- as circumstances would permit.
ministers supported by the influence of the crown, against all
He allow4d, however, that it was impossible to prove the
Great Britain. These were the two parties. The people for-
proposition otherwise than by proving a negative. He might
merly divided, perhaps, on points of mere speculation, had at
state which minister advised his majesty to do this or do that,
length united; all divisions and subdivisions of men were at
but it would he an extreme difficult undertaking, to prove
length embodied. Experience of what had passed, and the
who had advised his majesty to do nothing. Negligence was .
dread of worse that might happen, had melted them into one
the most direct negative, and a negative could only be proved
mass. He was happy to have it in his power to affirm, that
by an alibi. For instance, if a man was charged with com-
the friends of the people and of their country, had but one
mitting a murder at York, he might establish a defence by
opinion, both in that and in the other House. The first
proving, that at the time the fact was charged to have peen
men of rank, fortune, and character, in both Houses, had
committed, he was in London. Let, then, his majesty's mi-
firmly and virtuously resolved to .set their faces against this
nisters prove, that it was not in their power to attend to the
increasing, this alarming influence of the crown, and never to
4
220
DISCONTENTS TN IRELAND.
DISCONTENTS IN IRELAND.
221
[Dee. 6.
T79"3
S
co-operate upon any terms with men, who did not feel it them
The Irish Associations* had been called illegal : legal or
e
selves, but had endeavoured all in their power to render it pre-
illegal, he declared he entirely approved of them. He ap-
valent and extensive. They bad resolved to act in concert, and
flewhat manlydetermination which, in the dernier
d
nothing would ever content them, but reducing the
proved
ms in order to obtain deliverance. When
i nfluence of
resort,
to ar
the crown within due and constitutional bounds. The sense of
the last particle of good faith in men was exhausted, they
danger had brought about this coalition ; they were the friends
would seek in themselves the means of redress ; they would
of the constitution, the well-wishers of his majesty, but the
recur to first principles, to the spirit as well as letter of the con-
avowed and determined enemies of this dangerous influence,
; and they could never fail in such resources, though
stitution
which grew proportionally strong, as the empire grew weak;
the law might literally condemn such a departure from its ge-
and was in a progressive state of increase, as the fame, wealth,
neral and unqualified rules ; truth, justice, and public virtue,
and possessions of the British empire were gradually diminish.
accompanied with prudence and judgment, would ever bear
ing, and sinking into a state of internal imbecility and exter-
up good men in a good cause, that of individual protection
nal contempt. It was a lamentable contest in which his
and national salvation.
majesty was engaged; a contest not with a disaffected parts',
God knew, that he sincerely lamented the cause which pro-
inimical to his government or family establishment, or who
duced this sad, he could Clot but say, this perplexing and hu-
thirsted after power or place; not with a faction"tvho were
miliating alternative. fie most heartily lamented that any
enemies to his ministers in person, but a contest with the
cause had been administered which seemed to justify violence
whole body of his subjects, who saw, that the further support
of such ministers would, if not timely prevented, terminate in
the ruin of the empire.
Lord Sheffield, in his " Observations on the present State of Ireland,"
After pursuing a very wide circuit, and taking a transient
published in r 785, gives the following account of these extraordinary Asso-
view of almost every measure adopted since the commencement
ciations: " It is necesshry to notice a phenomenon which now began to
appear. The like never has been observed in any country, at least where
of the American war; he adverted again to the question, and
there was an established government. To describe it strictly, it may be
observed, that such was the miserable dilemma this country
called an army, unauthorized by the laws, and uncontrolled by the govern-
was reduced to, by the gross misconduct of ministers, that
ment of the country ; but it was generally known by the name of Volun-
the British parliament could not now act upon principles of
teers of Ireland. Their institution bore some semblance of a connection
with the executive power. Arms belonging to the state, and stored under
justice or sound policy with a good grace. The dignity of
the care of the lieutenants of counties, were delivered to them, upon the
the British parliament was gone, and they would be now
alarm of foreign invasion. So far they seemed to be countenanced by
compelled to grant what would in the end, they foresaw, be
government, but in a short time they caused no little jealousy and un-
extorted from 'them. He mentioned the circumstance of Mr.
easiness. The arms issued from the public stores were insufficient to supply
the rapid increase of the volunteers. The rest were procured by themselves,
Alderman Horan's application at the custom-house of Dublin,
and the necessary accoutrements, with a considerable number of field-
to make an entry of Irish woollens for Holland. What might
pieces. It answered the purpose of Opposition in both countries to speak
have been the consequence of the clerk's refusal, had it not
highly of them, and the supporters of government in both countries men-
tioned them with civility. The wonderful efforts of England in America
been for the temperate interference of the gentlemen who lead
were somehow wasted to no purpose of decision. American successes
the country party in that kingdom ? The consequence would
inflamed grievances which had been long felt in Ireland. Ireland, in truth,
have been, that Mr. Horan would have shipped hI goods for
had infinitely snore cause for complaint, and had been infinitely more op-
exportation, contrary to several British acts of parliament
pressed than America; the latter had never submitted to half the hurtful
still subsisting; his majesty's cutters would have seized them,
restrictions in which the other had for many years quietly acquiesced.
But now, petitions, remonstrances, popular resolves, and parliamentary
as being contraband; the second edition of Boston violence
addresses were vigorously urged, and in about four years Ireland was hap-
would have been published, and Britain, at a most critical and
pily relieved from many commercial restraints, which should have been
tremendous moment, would, to the rest of her numerous and
removed lonf, before, and gained several other points which she thought
formidable foes, have had Ireland to contend with. This,
essential to her welfare. The volunteers preserving a degree of reserve
and decency, kept at a certain distance, but were never entirely out of
but for the reason already assigned, the temper and mode-
sight. They had been serviceable in supporting the civil magistrate ; fewer
ration -of the leading men in that country, controuling and
castles, houses, or lands, were kept by forcible possession ; sheriff's were.
softening the indignant resentments of their brethren, would
enabled to do their duty; fewer rapes and other enormities were com-
have been the consequence of the criminal conduct
mitted than usual ; and here, if the volunteers had stopped, and we had
Of those
seen no more of them after the establishment of peace, their page in his-
against whom the present motion was directed.
tory would have been fair and respectable."
222
PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM.
223
PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM.
Mee, is.
or resistance; he dreaded the consequences, however justi-
Bible. Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Fox; Mr. Gil-
bert, and Colonel Barre spoke shortly in approbation of the plan.
fiable in their origin, or moderately or judiciously conducted;
but whatever the effects might be, he was ready to acknow-
Mr. Fox said cannot, Sir, prevail on myself to be
ledge that such a power was inherent in men ; as men and
entirely silent upon such an occasion as this. I shall, however,
citizens it was a. sacred trust in their hands, as a defence
trouble the House with but a very few words. I have some
against the possible or actual abuse of power, political trea-
knowledge of the plan of my honourable friend ; and, in
chery, and the arts and intrigues of government; and when
general, it has my hearty approbation. I thank him for the
all other means failed, resistance he should ever hold as per-
fectly justifiable.
pains he has taken for the public service : I thank him as
much for his endeavours to vindicate the honour of this House.
Towards the conclusion of his speech he was, for the second
am just come from another place, where the first men in
time, extremely severe on the noble lord in the blue ribbon
1
the kingdom, the first in abilities, the first in estimation, are
as minister. He did not pretend to guess at his plan, but
now libelling this House. Every instance they give—and
from past experience, and his general conduct, he had no
doubt but what he would propose would be exactly the reverse
they give many and strong instances —of uncorrected abuse,
with regard to public money, is a libel on this House. Every
of every thing he had hitherto done respecting Ireland ; and
argument they use for the redu ion of prodigal expellee —
he was persuaded, the only chance that the noble lord had of
and their arguments are various . id unanswerable—is a libel
being right was when he departed from, or rather expressly
on this House. Every thing they state on the luxuriant
contradicted, his general line of conduct, it being always the
growth of corrupt influence — and it never was half so flou-
fortune of the noble lord to set out wrong, and trust to chance
rishing —is a libel on this House.
for striking into the right road. He reminded parliament of
But, Sir, this House will be brought, by proper means,
what had fallen from his honourable friend (Mr. Burke) and
to wipe off all these imputations. The people for a long time
some others, who had spoken early in the debate, that it was
have been slow and torpid. The noble lord on the floor
the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and he r only, in point of
doubts whether they have virtue enough to go through with
real effect, who had prevented the relief intended to be given
the plan of reformation, which my honourable friend has to
to Ireland the two preceding sessions, more particularly the
propose. But the virtue of necessity will animate them at
last. This he confirmed in the strongest manner, by referring
last ; and through them will it animate and correct this House.
to what had been urged by him on that occasion, and desired
The virtue of necessity — sure in its principle, and irresisti-
the House to recollect what he had then predicted, and what
ble in its operation is an effectual reformer. It awakens
had since literally come to pass, namely, augmented armed
late ; but it calls up many other virtues to its aid; and their
ftssociations, sufficiently formidable to dictate to and direct an
joint exertion will infallibly bear down the greatest force, and
acquiescing British parliament.
dissipate the strongest combination that corrupt men have
At half past twelve the House divided :
ever formed, or can ever form against them.
Tellers.
Tellers.
There is amongst us but one mind upon the subject. I
The Earl of Upper 1 00,...N.6 E s 1 Mr.C.Townsh
end
hope and trust, that no man or description of men, none who
YE A s {
Ossory
192.
look to the public, none who wish the public ever to look up
Mr. T.Townshen d
L Sir Grey Cooper
to them, will be so lost to all sense of their own reputation,
So it passed in the negative.
and to all discernment of their true interest, as at any time,
upon any terms, or upon any pretences, to accept of the
management of the state, without securing the execution, of
the plan of my honourable friend, or of one similar to it.
MR. BURKE'S PLAN OE ECONOMICAL REFORM.
December 15.
Au interesting debate had this day taken place in the House of Lords,
on a motion made by the Earl of Shelburne, relative to the alarming
Ar R. BURKE briefly opened the outlines of his celebrated plan
addition recently made to the national debt, under the head of Extra=
of economical reform, and gave notice that he would bring
ordinaries.
forward the business as souu after the Christmas holidays as pos-
214
PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM.
[Dec.
1780.]
PETITION FOR AN ECONOMICAL REFORM.
22S
If they should do otherwise, let them come into office with
add perseverance to the diligence he has alread y employed in
what intentions they may, they will sink in character faster
his plan for lessening the public expellees and reducing the
than they can rise in power. That very influence, which
ruinous influence. of the crown ; and that no time after the
they are prevailed upon to cherish as. their means of strength,
holidays will be lost in producing it. He has my hearty ap-
will become the source of their weakness. They will find,
probation, and shall have my warmest support.
that the influence is not at their disposal. They will find
every good design which they may form, traversed and frus-
trated. This influence will even appear in avowed opposition
to them. It will be employed first to embarrass, and at
length to destroy them. Whoever wishes for ability to serve
their country, must get rid of that kind of instrument.
PETITION FROM THE COUNTY OF YORK FOR AN ECONOMICAL.
My honourable friend who spoke last says well, that his
REFORM IN THE PUBLIC EXPENDITURE.
duty and allegiance to the king are strong motives with him,
for wishing success to this proposition. Certainly they must
17, ebruau 8, 17 80.
be so to every good subject. Can the king possibly enjoy the
affection and confidence of his people, when l interest is
rr HE business of public meetings, of petitions to parliament, and
wholly dissociated from theirs, and put upon a bottom per-
of associations for the redress of grievances, was commenced
during the Christmas recess ; and the adoption of these means for
fectly separate? It is but one and the same principle which
cements friendship between man and man in society, and
procuring a rim in the executive departments of the state, not
only became soon very general, but the minds of the public being
which promotes affection between king and subject ; namely,
agitated and warmed by these meetings, the views of many, and
that they share but one fortune; that they flourish by the
those persons of no mean weight and consequence, were extended
same prosperity; and are equal sufferers under the same dis-
still farther ; and they gradually began to consider, that nothing
tress; that the calamity of the people is the depression of the
less than a reform in the constitution of parliament itself, by shor-
prince. On any other terms, there can be fio sympathy be-
tening its duration, and obtaining a more equal representation of
tween men in any relation of life. Can any thing be more
the people, could reach to a perfect cure of the present, and
unseemly, more calculated to separate his majesty from his
afford an effectual preservative against the return of similar evils.
people, and to alienate his people from him, than to find,
The great, populous, and opulent county of York led the way,
that when the landed estates are sunk one-fifth in value, when
and set the example to the rest of the kingdom. A very nume-
rous and respectable
cr
meetin of the gentlemen, clergy, and free-
their rents remain unpaid ; when manufactures languish and
holders, including persons of the first consideration and property
trade expires; and in that condition, burthen upon burthen is
in the county, and in the kingdom, such as perhaps never was as-
piled upon the fainting people; when men of all ranks
sembled in the same manner in this nation, was held at York on
are obliged to retrench the most innocent luxuries, and even
the last day but one of the year. There a petition to the House
such as were rather grown by habit into a kind of decent con-
of Commons was unanimously agreed upon, and accompanied with
venience, and to draw themselves up into the limits of an aus-
a resolution, that a committee of sixty-one gentlemen be appointed
tere and pinching economy, that just the beginning of that
to carry on the necessary correspondence for effectually promoting
the object of the petition ; and likewise to prepare a plan of an
time should be chosen, that a period of such general distress
association, on legal and constitutional grounds, to support the
should be snatched at as the lucky moment for complimenting
laudable reform, and such other measures as might conduce to re-
the crown with an addition of no less than too,000/. a-year ?
store the freedom of parliament. The petition was this day pre-
that the king should rise in splendour upon the very ruins of
sented to the House of Commons by Sir George Savile, setting
the country, and amidst its desolations should flourish with
forth,
increased opulence amidst the cries of his afflicted subjects ?
" That this nation bath been engaged for several years in a
It is something monstrous, something unnatural : an outrage
most expensive and unfortunate war; many of our valuable co-
to the sense; an insult on the sufferings of the nation.
lonies, having actually declared temselves independent, have
formed a strict confederacy with France and Spain, the dangerous
I hope, therefore, for the sake of the public, for the sake of
all public men, for the sake of the crown, and for the sake of
and inveterate enemies of Great Britain ; that the consequence of
those combined misfortunes hath been a large addition to the
the king upon the throne, that my honourable friend, will
national debt, a heavy accumulation of taxes, a rapid decline of
the trade, manufactures, and land rents of the kingdom : alarmed
VOL. 1.
-A
226 PETITION ,FOR AN ECONOMICAL REFORM. [Feb. 8,
PETITION FOR. AN ECONOMICAL REFORM.
227
1180.3
at the diminished resources and growing burthens of this countr,
said in the heat and hurry of debate, that the
and convinced that rigid frugality is now indispensably necess
bp ma:VI-lave
arC'
in every department of the state, your petitioners observe, .k
associations in England, in imitation of those in Ireland,
ith
grief, that notwithstanding- the calamitous and impoverished con.
ought to grant no supplies, to pay no taxes, until their peti-
dition of the nation, much public money has been
tion shall be treated with proper respect ; until its prayer
improvi dently
squandered ; and that many individuals enjoy sinecure plac
shall be fully granted. I am at a loss to conjecture the threats
es
efficient places with exorbitant emoluments, and pensions
,
that the noble lord says have been hinted by the honourable
ed
unm
by public service, to a large and still increasing amount
erit-
; whence
gentleman, meaning thereby to fix a stigma on this and other
the crown has acquired a great and unconstitutional
which,
in
if
fiuence,
petitions. The people are not in arms, they do not menace
not checked, may soon prove fatal to the liberties oefvtehr
country : your petitioners, conceiving that the true end of
i
civil var. They have in their power, legal, constitutional,
legitimate government is not the emolument
;
peaceable means of enforcing their petition. It is to these
of any individual, but
the welfare of the community, and considering that, by the con-
means the honourable gentleman alludes, when the noble
stitution of this realm, the national purse is intrusted in a peculiar
lord supposes that he throws out threats of another kind. -No,
manner to the custody of this honourable House, beg leave farther
Sir, let not the mild but firm voice of liberty be mistaken for
to represent, that, until effectual measures be taken to redress the
the dismal and discordant accents of blood and slaughter. The
oppressive grievances herein stated, the grant of any additional
evil the honourable gentleman presages, if this or other peti-
sum of public money, beyond the produce of .eAe present taxes,
tions are spurned with contempt and insolence, is of another,
will be injurious to the rights and property of the people, and
derogatory from the honour and dignity of parliament : yolarpe
though noTa less formidable, nature. The people will lose all
titioners, therefore, appealing to the justice of this
confidence in their representatives, all reverence for Parlia
h onourable
House, do most earnestly request, That, before any new burthens
ment. The consequences of such a situation I need not point
are laid upon this country, effectual measures may be taken by
out: let not the contemplation of necessary effects from cer-
this House, to enquire into and correct the gross abuses in the
tain causes be considered as a denunciation of vengeance.
expenditure of public money, to reduce all exorbitant emolu-
I wish most anxiously that gentlemen would consider what
ments, to rescind and abolish all sinecure places and unmerited
they are when they sit in this House. Insignificant of them-
pensions, and to appropriate the produce to the necessities of the
selves, they derive their importance from the appointment of
state, in such manner as to the wisdom of parliament shall seem
meet."
their constituents. It is the duty of members of parliament
to conform to the sentiments, and in some degree, even to
Sir George Savile supported the petition in a speech fraught
with much good sense and plain and perspicuous reasoning. Lord
the prejudices of the people. In their legislative capacity, the
North did not oppose the reception of the petition, but was for
wishes and wants of the people, ou ght in this land of liberty
postponing its consideration till after that of the ways and means
to be their grand rule of conduct. I say in their legislative
for raising the supplies.
capacity ; for I make a distinction between that and their
ial capacity; in which last the y must give judgment ac-
judic
Mr. Fox said, that he had not intended to speak at this
cording to the letter of the law, and in this, too, they con-
time on the subject of the petition before the House; but he
sult the interests of liberty. Suppose the people should
could not refrain from making a few observations on the po-
be of opinion that there is no longer any need of a very
sitions that had now been laid down by the noble lord. The
expensive board of trade and plantations, when that trade
consideration of the petition, says he, may very fitly be post-
and those plantations, for the sake of which the board
poned till after that of the ways and means for raising the sup-
was first established, no longer exist, would it not be-
plies. Compare this language with the generous and Mag-
come the noble lord's duty, to sacrifice his particular opinion
nanimous admiration of ministers, when they applauded and
to theirs, and to act agreeably to their notions and instruc-
admired the conduct of the associations in Ireland, who re-
tions? The noble lord has been very severe upon the ho-
fused to grant supplies for more than one half year, before
nourable gentleman, on the supposition that he had entered
their grievances should be redressed, before the prayer of
his caveat against even taking time to enquire into the alle-
their petition for a free trade should be granted. Is there,
gations contained in the petition. The honourable gentle-
then, one law for th9.„ associations in Ireland, and another
man has himself sufficiently repelled the attacks of his noble
for those of England? No. The noble lord is- a
opponent, by reminding him that what he apprehended was
man of ac-
curacy and consistency. He must therefore mean, whatever
not a real but a mock enquiry. But one thing, said Mr.
Fox, cannot but remark; The ideas of an enquiry, and,
Qz
229
228
MOTION FOR THE PENSION LIST.
PETITION FOR AN ECONOMICAL REPoam.
[Feb. 8,
17 8°.3
an intention to defeat its object, seem SO intimately connected
in the noble lord's mind, that it is not in his power to disjoin
them : so closely associated, that he cannot think of the one,
SIR GEORGE SAviLE'S MOTION FOR THE PENSION LIST.
without. confounding it with the other. I cannot imagine,
that any objection can possibly be made to the petition. But
February
some may say, " 4 Are we sinners above all that went before
CM George Savile moved, " that there be laid. before the House
us, like those on whom the tower of Shiloh fell ? Are we
more corrupt than other parliaments who
tel an account of all places for life or lives, whether held by
were never pestered
patent or otherwise ; specifying the dates of such patents, or other
with petitions of this kind ?" No, I do not suppose you are ;
instruments by which such places arc held, the names of the per-
but though former parliaments were as bad as you, and you
sons who hold the same, and the salaries and fees belonging
know the severity of that comparison, yet the people did not
thereto ." By this account, he said, the House, and of course his
know it. Now they do not perhaps see it, but they feel it; they
constituents, would be able to judge of the services done to the
feel the pressure of taxes ; they beg
state in return for the salaries paid by it. The motion was agreed
you would not lay your hand
to without any opposition. Sir George next moved, as part of his
so heavily on them, but be as economical as possible. We on
plan, and a prime object of the county meetings, " that there be
this side of the House recommend and enforce their applica-
laid before the House, an account of all subsisting pensions granted
tions. Let ministry hearken to the petitions of the people,
by the crown, during pleasure, or otherwise; specifying the amount
even though they are recommended to their favourable regard
of such pensions respectively, and the times when, and the per-
by members in opposition. Let them grant their requests,
sons to whom, such pensions were granted." A strong and deter-
and the whole glory of so popular a compliance will be theirs.
mined opposition to this motion was immediately apparent ; but
Their praises were sounded in loud strains for granting to
the debate was broken off by the sudden illness of the speaker,
&mat,
people of Ireland, what that people made good for themselves
and the business lay over to the following week. On its revival,
by their own muskets. I will put the controversy between the
upon the 2 1st, Lord North moved an amendment, restricting the
account to those pensions only which were paid at the exchequer ;
ministry and gentlemen on this side of the House, on the same
but this he afterwards enlarged, to the giving the general amount
on which the wisest of men, Solomon, rested the determi-
of all pensions, but without any specification of names, or parti-
Lation of the dispute between the two women, each of whom
cularity of sums, excepting in the first instance. The proposed
;z:laitned the living child, and disavowed the dead one. We
amendments brought out very long, and exceedingly warm dee
say to ministry, you misapply the public money ; nay, you
bates ; in the course of which the minister had the mortification'
do worse, you apply it to bad purposes : ministry say to us,
of discovering much matter of apprehension and alarm ; and of
you want our places; and thus the charge of corruption is
meeting such an opposition as he had never before encountered..
He grounded his opposition to the motion, in the first instance,
given and retorted. Come now, let us see whose child cor-
on a principle of delicacy. To expose the necessities of antient
ruption is; Opposition are willing, are desirous, that it should
and noble families, whose fortunes were too narrow for the sup-
be sacrificed ; ministry have often made similar professions;
port of their rank, to the prying eye of malignant curiosity, he
the time is come to prove the sincerity of both ; see who will
said, would be not only wanton, but cruel. To expose the man
now acknowledge ; see who will father this dear but denied
who had a pension, to the envy and detraction of him who had
child, corruption ! On the whole, economy will strengthen
none, and by whom he was therefore hated ; to hold him up as au
the hands of government, relieve the people from hardships,
object for the gratification of private malice and the malevolence
be a source of fame and triumph to ministry over their adver-
of party, merely as a price for the favour conferred on him by the
saries; fbr who will dare to say, or who will not be abhorred
crown, would surely be a proceeding, in its nature, equally odious
and contemptible. Yet these were the certain effects which must
for saying any thing to the prejudice of so honest and upright
proceed from an indiscriminate disclosure of the pension The
an administration, as those men Who shall redress in so satis-
motion was also opposed by Mr. Dundas, and the attorney gene-
factory a manner the grievances of an oppressed people ?
ral. Mr. Dundas said he believed, that if the petitioners for an
The people of England only pray to be on a footing with the
economical reform could be brought to the bar of the House,
subjects of Prance, whose government have voluntarily re-
they would one and all declare, they did not wish any enquiry
scinded unnecessary places, thus Opening a source of strength
into the list of pensions. Mr. Dunning considered the motion as
in a tender and in a wise plan of economy.
one of the most important that ever came before the House. Mr.'
Thomas Townshend also supported it, and attacked Lord North
The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
severely for suffering the pensions of the Duke of Gloucester, and
3
V
230
MOTION POR THE PENSION LIST.
T
[Feb, ts.
MOTION FOR THE PENSION LIST.
1780.]
the Earl of Chatham, which had been paid out of the four and
them might be made) would not make up a very great sum
half per cent. duties on the West India ceded islands, to be
glected,
ne -
because those duties no longer continued.
total.
'With regard to the denying the pension list, because it
would be interfering with the civil allowance given to the
Mr. Fox followed Mr. Townshend in arraigning the cork
he was of opinion, that it ought to be exploded as falla-
duct of the minister respecting the Duke of Gloucester and
king,
cious, for though the money was given for the use of the
Lord Chatham, whose pensions were now seven years
crown, the House were competent to see whether it was pro-
arrear• With regard to the question, he agreed With his
perly expended. The king had his prerogative, and yet no
honourable and learned friend before him (Mr. Dunning),
one would say he might not abuse it, or that the House could
that it was the most important that could be brought before
the House. He severely reprobated the assertion of
not, on a suspicion of such abuse, enquire into the fact. It
another
was now incumbent on the minister to produce the list called
learned gentleman (Mr. Dundas), that the petitioners, if at the
for, for he challenged him to find any six members of the
bar, would disapprove of the motion ; an assertion which was
Mouse, that would get up and declare his belief that the pen-
monstrous, and too gross for any one to use, but the person
sion list was not abused, or that persons were not hired and
tvlio had used it; because, to strike off all unnecessary and
paid for attacking the constitution, and vilifying its best
unmerited pensions, was certainly going directly to the two
friends. That all the abuses were not to be laid to the charge
objects of the petitioners, which were, a reduction of the pub..
of the present minister, he would allow; but the noble lord had
lie expences, and a decrease of the influence of the crown.
refined upon them, as to have made them almost his own.
The honourable gentleman, in terms the most poignant and
SO Some well-directed strictures were then applied by Mr.
expressive, displayed in various, (Efferent shapes, thin.
gentians
Fox, to the pensions or salaries paid at the exchequer to the
conduct of the minister in adopting Sir George
commissioners of the police in Scotland; he said it now cost
Savile's expression, and taking it upon himself, declaring to
the nation as much to keep the Scotch in good humour, as it
the House, over and over again, that the motion ought to be.
had done to suppress the late rebellion. The honourable
rejected, because it was a new one, though he knew at the
gentleman here entering into the nature of that rebellion,
same time, that it was not a new one, and there were prece-
denied that it had failed, as was the language so familiar with
dents for it. The noble lord snaked his head, but he would
many. It had, indeed, failed on the part of the pretender ;
appeal to the House for the truth of what he had said, and
but his adherents had gained their point; they had got an in-
for the pitifid subterfuge of the noble lord, when detected, of
fluence here by the event, and from time to time improved it,
sheltering himself under the word unusual. If the Opposition
he feared to the utter destruction of the British empire. The
had been guilty of such a meanness, such a baseness, they
honourable gentleman then touched upon America, and said,
would never have heard the last of it:
it had cost the public ten thousand times more to lose America,
He next adverted to the conduct of the minister in confin-
than it had to gain it. He called upon the minister in the
ing the motion to the pensions paid at the exchequer, and by
most pressing manner, to give the people satisfaction, for they
the paymaster-general, as if he did not know there were other
believed the maj ority of the House to be under the influence
pensions which the Hcuse wanted to get at. As to pretend-
of the crown; and he entreated the members to do their duty,
ing it was indelicate to give the pension list, that was to the
and enforce justice, to consider who they were, and from
last degree ridiculous, for the pension list of Ireland was every
whence they came, for that the people made them, and would
year given. A learned gentleman too, had called upon Opp°,
certainly unmake them when they found they could no longer
sition, to name the person they suspected to be undeserving
confide in them.
of the pension he received, and yet was determined to keep
The honourable gentleman, with some pleasantry, and a
back the pension list, which was the only thing that could en,
great deal of satire, adverted to the speech made by Mr.
able them to do it. As all great things were only to be done
Smelt, at York, and vindicated him from the suspicion of
by detail, it was preposterous for the noble lord to reject this
being a bad man. The honourable gentleman understood
and that branch of the intended reform, because it would not
and believed him to be a good character ; but he had less pru-
make any great saving to the public. Yet it bad been said,
dence than some men. He came to the York meeting warm
that a total abolition of the pension list would save the people
but 48,0001.,
with the prerogative of the crown, and he could not help be-
as if a number of such savings (and a number !Of
traying those sentiments of loyalty he always heard amongst
4
4
V
23 2
MOTION FOR THE PENSION LIST.
233
[Peb. /3,
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
.0801
those he associated with. He excused him from having any
greater dislike to the liberties of the people than other cream.
(dye the pension list, otherwise they were insulting the people
tures of the court; all that could be said was, that he had been.
flgland, and had acted ridiculously in allowing their peti-
of
weak enough to disclose what others were prudent
tions to be brought up.
enourrh
keep to themselves. With respect to the influence co? the
At half an hour past one the House divided upon Lord North's
crown, the people, he knew, would have it lessened, however
it might be resisted; and, for his part, he was of opinion it
amendment.
ought to be entirely destroyed.
Tellers.
Tellers.
Mr.T.Townshendi
} ' U.—NOES
186.
The honourable gentleman next indulged himself in point-
ing out, with infinite
.S.r A 8 r 1j1°o1biiifill'es on
1Mr. Byng
i ngenuity and humour, the
The motion in its amended state was then agreed to. Sir
chara cteristic
-versatility of the minister. In the course of the present de-
George Savile then declared, that as the !notion, in its present
bate he had said and unsaid a hundred times :
state, was totally changed from that which he had proposed, and
sometimes the
was rendered utterly incapable of affording that information for
motion was new, and sometimes it was unusual: the noble
lord was so adroit at this kind of
the people, which it was both his wish and his duty to lay before
tergiversation, that there was
them, he should therefore give the matter entirely up, and should
give
no one, however watchful, that would not -be foiled in the
no longer give himself or
friends any trouble, by fruitlessly
attempt to detect him. The petitions, fbr instance, his lord-
opposing ministers in any point which they were determined to
ship approved of exceedingly; but he liked the protests, never-
carry .*
theless, although they decried these very petitions as libellous.
`1'
As to Mr. Burke's plan for an economical reform, he gave the
whole of it his sincere a
....*•••n•*•••n••
pprobation; but there was no
it that he did not in reality dissent from.
prartif
-Who, too, was there
in the House, that had not oftentimes been led to think, from
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISI-IMENT BILL.
the noble lord's words, that peace was upon the point of being
made with America, though after the debate ended, they pre-
February 23.
sently understood that nothing but war was meant ?
The learned gentleman (Mr. Dundas) had declared it high
MR. BURKE presented to the House his celebrated bill, " For
time for every gentleman to speak out: he wished to God the
the better regulation of his majesty's civil establishments, and
-L- Vi
learned gentleman had himself done so, and plainly told the
of certain public offices ; for the limitation of pensions, and the
suppression of sundry useless, expensive, and inconvenient places ;
House what the ministers really intended. If any thing of his
and for applying the monies saved thereby to the public service."
Opinion could be collected, it was that the petitions tended to
subvert the
The bill being read a first time, Mr. Burke mentioned the z9th
constitution, which was as much as to say, that
instant, as a proper day for reading it a second time, and begged
the constitution was corruption, for the petitions only prayed
for
Lord North to inform the House, whether or not he intended to
the removal of abuses. But no sooner were
oppose it on that day. Lord North did not yet know whether he
petitions
presented for abolishing pensions and sinecure places, than strait
should oppose it or not. It was a bill of the utmost importance,
a hue and cry was raised, and the
and required time and leisure to determine on its propriety. The
constitution was said to be
in danger, as ifpensions and sinecure places were actually the
29th, therefore, he thought too early a day. Mr. Burke observed,
co
that in a moment when the minds of men were held in suspense,
nstitution. This, the honourable gentlernan pronounced a
and when the nation was looking with anxiety and suspicion to
damnable doctrine; it was an hypothesis that was not true,
and lie trusted the constitution of his country would not be
found to stand upon such a basis of mud and dirt. The
h onourable gentleman further
" This was, however, an extraordinary division. But the loss of the
- justified the petitioners by
question was the more vexatious to the Opposition, as they conceived they
drawing an analogy between the state and an individual.
had strength in town fully sufficient to have carried it; and even attri-
petitioners, he said, came to go
The
vernment, and argued thus:
buted the disappointment to the accidental absence of some particular
you are engaged in a heavy and
friends. On former occasions this would have been matter of triumph;
expensive lawsuit, and we be-
but they were grown more difficult since their late increase of strength;
seech you to make every saving you can, to enable you to
and complained bitterly, that volunteer troops can never be brou'dit to
defray the expellees of it, and go through it with effect. Upon
pay that strict attention to duty, which is practised by trained and dis-
the whole, he insisted upon it, that ministers were bound to
ciplined bands, who have been long habituated to the punctual observance
II
Of a reg ular command." Annual -Register.
2 34
MR. Minxes ESTABLISHmEN'T BILL.
[Vt,b
ME. BURKE's 'ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
23 5
i
• -23.
78o'
•
the conduct of Parliament, on the subject of their petitions, del
ase, dignity, and independence of his life, being diverted to the
e
a ,
would be dangerous, and ought to be studiously a
uses of a minister, and applied to the corrupting of parliament.
voided. We
did not wish to quarrel with the noble lord for a day. The
Lord North said it was true the principle was plain in appearance,
but its truth and propriety could only be ascertained by an exa-
bill
would be printed, and in the hands of the members before th
time ; and if
at
it was agreeable to the House, he would move f
mination of the parts, and this required time and study. The bill
or
'Wednesday next. Lord North still persisted the time was rather
was ordered to be read a second time on the ad of March.
too short, and wished that it should be adjourned over the
week.
next
March 2.
The bill being read a second time without opposition, just after
Mr. Fox said, he could not conceive ivhy the noble lord
Lord North had announced his plan for a commission of accounts,
should wish to have so much time. The temper of the peo.
Mr. Burke moved, that it might be committed for the following
pie was not such as would admit of subterfuge. 'There was
day. This was opposed, on the ground, that as it was necessary
something exceedingly suspicious in the noble lord's conduct.
all bills, and more especially those of great moment, should be
His plea of ignorance was absurd ; he had not indeed studied
proceeded through with caution and circumspection, so the usage
all the parts of the bill; it was not possible that he could
of parliament was, on that account, against the sending of bills
have so done; but the general principle was well known to
directly from the second reading to a committee. If this was the
him, and the subsequent detail was the business of the com-
rule in other cases, how much more necessary was it. with respect
to a bill of such magnitude, which took in such a variety of objects,
mittee. Did not the noble lord know whether or not he
and in the event of which so great a number of individuals were
was to oppose the principle of the bill, or when he was to
interested. An amendment was accordingly moved by Lord
oppose it? He thought it would be becoming in the noble
Beauchamp, by which the following Wednesday was to be sub-
lord to declare his intentions; for bp firmly believed
no
stituted in the place of the ensuing day. Lord North supported
3
member who could possibly attend would be absent on the
the amendment : the bill was, he said, of the most complicated
day when the bill was to be debated. The member who
nature, and required such mature consideration, that Wednesday
wilfully or negligently absented himself on that day would
was, in his opinion, as early a clay for sending it to a committee,
pay little regard to his duty, and to the general
as the House could well think of appointing.
-Coke of the
people of England. If the noble lord would speak out, and
say whether or not, or when, he intended to debate the bill,
Mr. Fox accused the noble lord of attempting an unne-
members would come prepared, and the point would be
cessary delay. It was absurd to pretend that too early a day
fought with fairness. But as it was, the House must be upon
was proposed for the going into a committee. The noble lord
its guard, and that they might not be taken by surprise,
had, indeed, asserted it, but had given no good reason for
they must come prepared for the onset on the first
postponing the business, and he called upon him to lay his
day. The
noble lord had also given very strong reasons for alarm in
hand upon his heart, and say, if he was not now ready to
his wish to put ofF the business to a late day.
go into a committee, as far as a knowledge on his part of the
What security
could the people of England have of the proposed system
bill was necessary. It was not supposed that the whole of
being adopted, if the House permitted all the supplies to be
the bill was to be immediately considered, but a part only;
granted before the bill had passed ? The parliament might
and what was that part? Whether the third secretary of state,
not be dissolved, but it was very possible that it might be
namely the secretary of state for the American colonies, was
prorogued before the business was concluded ; and he looked
not an office altogether - useless, and as such ought to be
upon this to be the reason why the minister wished to post-
abolished ? This was the first part of the bill to be inves-
pone it.
tigated, and it was so simple a question, that there required
no more preparation than had been taken to decide upon it.
The other noble lord (Earl Nugent) had argued in a very
Mr. Burke said, that the principle of his bill was simple, and
required but little time for deliberation. It consisted but of two
curious way. When Opposition complained against govern-
parts, the first was, to curtail a variety of useless and burthensome
ment for an undue use of power, the noble lord was ready
offices in the king's civil list, and other departments of government,
to exclaim, What would you have ! we have lost thirteen
in order to apply the savings to the constitutional services of the
colonies, and surely we have reduced the influence of the
state; and the second, to provide against the revenues voted for
crown as much as you ought in reason to require He denied
the maintenance of the king, the provision of his family, and. the
'in the most express terms, that it was true, that the influence
236
MR. runrcE's ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
23']
[March 2,
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
)780.]
of the crown had not been extended, and adverted, in the
the side of the Atlantic. He urged the going into ft
most happy vein of satire, to the argument used by Lord
committee on the bill the next day; and charged the minister
-
Nugent in contradiction to that fact. The noble lord also
an intention either of putting it totally aside, or of ren-
said, that all places, pensions, and sinecures were in the gift
with
•ing it nugatory, by dissolving the parliament after opening
de
of the crown, and that the crown acted constitutionally in
giving them away; so that the noble lord meant, if he meant
the b udget.
any thing at all, that when a member solicited a place, a pen-
F}i eu dget.
question
being put, that the words, " to-morrow," stand
sion, or a sinecure, he was, in so doing, supporting the con-
F art of the question; the House divided.
stitution.
Tellers.Tellers.
Lord Beauchamp}
As to the fact, whether the crown had extended its power
Tr.T.Townshend
230.
or not, he sincerely wished the question could be fairly put,
i95 ' Ots "Mr. Robinson
t Mr. Fox
So it passed in the negative. And the question being put, that
and the sense of the House impartially taken upon it. The.
the words " upon Wednesday next," be inserted instead thereof;
minister had often complained that Opposition were actuated
it was resolved in the affirmative.
by interested views, and the calumny had been echoed through
the ministerial circle into the world. If this was the case,:
March 8.
how did the present conduct of the side of the House on
Which he ranged himself correspond with the charge ? If they
Before the order of the day was put for going into a committee
really wanted places, how was it that they had brought in a
nn the bill, Mr. Rigby rose and started an unexpected question,
bill for cutting off so many of them ?
upon the incompetency of the House to enter into any discussion
If they wanted pensions
whatever relative to the king's civil list revenue or establishment.
and sinecures, how happened it, that they had prowl an
The right honourable gentleman, who had hitherto spoken rather
abolition of them ? Did they want money too ? Then why
ambiguously with regard to Mr. Burke's plan of reform, after ex-
were they struggling for economy in the expenditure of the
pressing now his highest approbation of' some parts of it, con-
public money? In fine, he contended, that by the bill in
demned, in terms equally explicit, those which reached in any
question, the Opposition removed every suspicion of selfishness,
degree to the civil list; as well as the interference of parliament
and he said, he could not but call to mind the observation
at all in that expenditure. He said, that for his own part, he had
of an honourable gentleman, not a member of the House,
ever considered, and ever should, that the civil list revenue was
who took the chair at the Wiltshire meeting, that the bill
as much and as fully his majesty's as any determinable estate,
enjoyed by any person present, was his immediate property. That
went to make the Opposition honest, as well as the ministry.
He then took notice of some expressions that had fallen
wevenue had been settled on his majesty, at his accession, for life ;
which was an interest no power on earth could deprive him of
from the other side, respecting the liberty of the press having
without manifest injustice ; consequently, that part of the bill,
been carried to a great degree of licentiousness, and confessed
which went to the controul of the civil list, and to an appropriation
he was apt to think our present situation in a great measure
of the supposed savings to arise from the reform, was an attempt
owing to the bad use that had been made of it by those hired
no less contrary to precedent than to justice. It would not only,
by government, whose system it was to mix all ranks together,
in its consequences, degrade the sovereign, but it would reduce
to bring them to a level' with each other, and to impress the
him to the state of a precarious pensioner ; whose uncertain sti-
people with a notion that there were no virtuous men in the
pend, lessened at will, would be at all times liable to still further
reduction. And to what purpose was this violence and injustice
present age. This vile and damnable heresy, he exploded
to be offered? — to lessen the supposed influence of' the crown.
with great warmth of' expression, and thought it done merely
He had heard a great deal of the influence of the crown; but he
to set the public against the liberty of the press, and traduce
believed that influence was never less known or felt than during
those very men who were proving their integrity by pro-
the present reign ; and this he could speak from experience.
moting the bill under discussion. He hoped, that as the
He declared, that he had neither consulted the noble minister, nor
thirteen colonies were now actually lost, for the noble earl
any other person within or without the House upon the subject..
(Nugent) had at length admitted it, the public was to have
it was his own opinion, and lie was determined to avow it, without.
a great saving, and he expected to hear that the pensions
any expectation or wish of support, further than what it might be
Given to the American governors would be discontinued, and
entitled to on its own intrinsic merit. He was apprehensive that
he was rather disorderly, as the order of' the day for going into a
b
particularly that granted to Governor Hutchinson, who bad
committee, stood. in the way ; bur it was a subject on which he
been the forerunner and very firebrand of the rebellion on
233 MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL. [March g.
1780.]
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
239
wished to take the sense of the House; and he applied to the
posing of any considerable part of the treasure of the nation
Chair for directions, in what manner to bring it forward. Lord
without controul or without account; and our liberties from
Beauchamp highly approved of the doctrine laid down in the
that instant would be gone for ever.
proposition suggested by Mr. Rigby ; and was much pleased at
If such a vote should be agreed to by a majority of that
the manly and able manner in which he had delivered his semi-
House, he should look upon his toils and labours to be at
-,ments, but confessed himself always averse to meeting abstract
an end; and the people would have recourse to other means
questions.
of redress, when parliament had precluded all possible ex-
pectations through the ordinary methods prescribed by the
Mr. Fox said, he could not avoid testifying his fullest
constitution; they would have recourse to other arguments,
approbation, of the very open, direct, and manly language,
than those which might be urged in the course of debate in
adopted by his right honourable friend on the floor. He
that House, in order to rescue themselves and their pos-
had delivered his sentiments with that firmness and candour
terity from the chains which were forging for them. He
which so uniformly characterized his conduct in that House.
would not presume to point out the means the people in this
He thanked him most cordially for the opportunity it afforded.
last extremity would resort to : he was persuaded they would
both parties of coming to issue. It would spare much time,
be wise, salutary, and adequate to the object proposed to be
and infinite trouble. It militated directly against the bill on
attained. Should such be the necessity, he never would again
the table; for, certainly, if that House was not competent to
enter that House ; his presence there would be of very little
enquire into, or controul the civil list expenditure, the bill
consequence. He would unite himself with those out of that
was founded in the most glaring injustice. But when he gave
House, whose sentiments corresponded with his own. He
credit for the direct open manner in which the right honour-
hopedhe should acquit himself like a man; and he knew of
able gentleman who suggested the proposition had supwed
nothing in his own disposition, which would prevent him.
his opinions, he must confess that it involved doctrines of
from bearing him out with firmness and perseverance in the
a most alarming nature, and appeared to him, to be utterly
struggle. He was persuaded the measures adopted by the
subversive of the first principles of the constitution : he sin-
people would be peaceable; but at the same time suited to
cerely hoped, that before the House proceeded further, they-
the exigency of the occasion ; in such measures he was pre-
would consent to let in the proposition of the right honour-
- a.
pared to co-operate; and he did not doubt but the friends
able gentleman, and proceed to discuss, it; for it would be
of legal liberty and the constitution would prevail in the
equally nugatory and ridiculous, to go into the committee on,
the bill, till the sense of the House was taken upon that ques-
contest.
He could not help taking notice of what had fallen from
tion. It must be first got rid of; before any one clause in
his noble friend (Lord Beauchamp). His noble friend main-
the bill could be taken into consideration. He could not help
tamed the propriety of the proposition suggested by the right
declaring, that if it should be resolved and determined, that
honourable gentleman on the floor; but assigned two rea-
parliament had not a right to interfere, to reform, arrange,
n
of
sons for pre eing the going into the order of the day. The
and, if necessary, to resume the grants they bad made to the
crown for public purposes; in short, to see
first was, that he was against voting an abstract question, a
to the proper
matter totally improper and unnecessary ; the other, lest, if
application of the monies they had granted; there was at once
it should be voted in the affirmative, the people out of doors
an end of the liberties of this country. Such a vote would,
might be so far misled, as to believe that such a resolution
in its consequences, amount to a dissolution of the govern-
was meant as putting a negative on the prayers of the seve-
ment as modelled at the period of the revolution ; and would
prove a stab given to its very vitals; for though we might
ral petitions. In answer to the first argument, it was suffi-
cient to observe, that the proposition, as connected with the
continue to assemble in that House as usual ; though we
might be called upon to
bill, was no abstract question ; because it amounted to a
vote supplies according to the pre-
direct and specific denial of its principle, which was a thorough
scribed forms of the constitution; the right to vote and deli-
reform in the whole of the civil list expenditure; and as to
berate without the right to superintend and controul the
his noble friend's caution, for fear the people without doors
expenditure of the money so voted would avail nothing; and
might be misled; surely it could mean nothing more than an
we should become as mere slaves in reality, as any in Lurop,e.
exercise of the noble lord's ingenuity. How, in God's name,
Give princes and their ministers the exclusive right of dis,
could the people or petitioners be misled? Could the most
2 4 0
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
780.3
MR BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
241
[March 8.
factious person, within or without that House, add or di-
Rigby's proposition. The question being put about nine o'clock,
the resolution for the order of the day was carried, by a majority
minish a single word, or put any interpretation upon the
of six only, the numbers being 205, to 199. This division was
proposition, but what it evidently admitted ? The petitions
marked by the singular circumstance of Mr. Rigby's voting in the
on the table were not yet declared to be the sense of a ma-
minority, and in opposition to all his friends in administration.
jority of that House. He trusted they shortly would ; but
The House then resolved itself into a committee on the bill.
they were the avowed sentiments of the petitioners. What
When the chairman came to the words in the first clause, for
cild the petitioners say? That useless and sinecure places
abolishing " the office commonly called, or known by the name
ought to be abolished; that exorbitant salaries and perqui-
of third secretary of state, or secretary of state for the colonies,"
• b
Governor Pownall suggested an amendment ; observing, that the
sites ought to be reduced. 'Where did those evils originate?
words were not sufficiently descriptive, for the description should
In the expenditure of the civil list. Where was the reform
be simply that of third secretary of state. Mr. Burke had no
recommended to take place i»? Most clearly, where the evil
objection to omitting the words pointed out by the honourable
existed : to argue therefore, that the proposition should not
gentleman. He had adopted both descriptions, lest one or the
be resolved, lest the voting of it might affOrd an opportunity
other singly, might appear untechnical, or not descriptive of the
of misconception, misinterpretation, or popular delusion, was
office, proposed to be abolished. Lord George Germain observed,
a farce, and the greatest of all delusion; because it was evi-
that the clause as first worded, was not descriptive of the office,
dent, that if the proposition should appear to be the sense of
which he had the honour to fill, for it was neither that of third
a majority of that House, it would be
secretary of state, nor secretary of state for the colonies ; but
a full answer to the
" one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state." He wished
petitioners, and a decided opinion on the subject matter of
most sincerely, if the committee should determine to abolish any
the petitions themselves. It would comprehend one or other
one of the three offices, that it might be the one he had the honour
'of these answers, " we are of opinion that your petitions are
to fill. The clause being amended agreeably to this idea, a very
ill-founded; or we think them well-founded; but °A hands
warm debate ensued. The clause was opposed by Lord Beau-
are tied up. We voted the civil list revenue for Nfe; by
champ, Mr. Jenkinson, Mr. Dundas, and Lord George Germain ;
that vote it is become the private property of the crown, as
and supported by Mr. Thomas Townshend, Mr. Burke, and Mr.
much as any part of your private property is your own.
Fox.
'What you seek is therefore improper in itself; no such re-
form is necessary, or, if it be, it is not in our power to give
Mr. Fox said, he should not be deterred by the lateness of
you any relief." Such being the case, in his opinion, it was
the hour from going into the debate. It was on a subject
those who fled from the question, who endeavoured to impose
the most important and interesting ; and if he should detain
upon and deceive the people by holding
the House ever so late, he should not think that he stood in
out hopes and ex-
pectations, which they never meant to realize; and which
need of making an apology. In the first place, he could not
if complied with, would be fraught 'with injustice; and not
but be surprised to hear so much said against the abstract
those, who wanted to come to some specific point, which
proposition suggested by a right honourable gentleman, who
would tend to inform the people, whether they were to have
had so frequently been alluded to in the course of the evening.
any redress or not> If, however, the forms of the House
There was nothing he wished for more than for the House
would not admit the proposition to be entered into then, the
to come to a determination upon that great constitutional
House might proceed' in the usual course, and resolve itself
question, whether they were competent or not to interfere in
into a committee, postponing the consideration of the right
matters that respected the King's civil list ? It was a point
honourable gentleman's proposition to the next, or some future
upon which men's minds seemed to dwell, and in the issue of
clause in the further progress of the bill.
which the whole nation was so essentially concerned, that he
could not for one, but wish most heartily to have it before the
Mr. Burke, Mr. Townshend, General Conway, Mr. Dunning,
House in a debateable shape, and decided upon as soon as
and other distinguished members of Opposition, took and supported
possible; and, indeed, he should have liked the right honour-
nearly the same ground ; diversified according to the character and.
able gentleman (Mr. Rigby) better than he did ; he should
genius of the several speakers. The question now before the
have thought him more fair, and the justice of the people
House, and on which both parties were to bring forward their
better dealt with, had he taken a proper opportunity, as he
utmost force, was, whether, according to the order of the day, it
surely might have done, of submitting .the question, of which
should be resolved into a committee on Mr. Burke's bill, or whether
he professed himself so sVarm an advocate, and not have started.
they should first enter into.a discussion of, and decide upon, Mr.
VOL. I.
Ii
T
24 2
MR. BURI(E'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL. [March
MR. BURKE'6 ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
243
1780.3
it to the House, at a time when he knew it could not be
made him the successor the throne, but hereitar y right he
moved regularly, nor decided one way or the other.
to honourable friend near him (Mr.
had none. He was, as an
But the right honourable gentleman impressed the principle
Burke) had declared, the mere creature of the people's insti-
of the resolution he had broached, and the principle was to
tuting, and held nothin g but what he held in trust for the
pervade the whole bill; so that when any clause came under
people, for their use md. benefit. Could gentlemen, then,
discussion, it was to operate against it, as if the principle
think so absurdly as to conclude, that the King's civil list
really had been accepted of by the House. Gentlemen did
revenue was given to his majesty to expend just as he should
not like abstract propositions, and a noble lord (Beauchamp)
think fit ? No, it was given him for the service of the pub-
reprobated speculative questions, because they did not like
lic; and the people's representatives had at all times a consti-
unparliamentary proceedings, and because those questions
tutional authority to enquire into the expenditure of that
were only made for the purpose of being spread abroad to let
allowance, to reduce it, and, indeed, to take the whole of it,
the public know what the House was doing. Was it possible.
or in other words, to resume the whole of it into their hands
to conceive any thing more shameful and absurd ! For his
again, whenever the abuse of it, or the exigencies of the times
part, he declared, and he took a sort of pride in declaring it,
should require it. The King, it was true, was the sovereign
that he wished to have those very abstract propositions de-
of the people, but the King was to hold the crown only as
cided, and that for the purpose of letting the people of Eng-
long as the people should choose, This, he trusted, he might
land know what they had to expect ; and he was resolved to
advance without offence. He felt himself warm, and he
use every means in his power that the public might know what
knew it. But he trusted he was neither unparliamentary, nor
the House did, and what the members individually did, in
disorderly. He again asserted that the King was no longer
order that the people might understand properly' as they
king than while he should be found to wear the crown for
ought to do, who were to be trusted, and who were n But
the good of his people, for that all power lodged in the crown,
gentlemen shrunk from the proposition respecting the King's
or elsewhere, could only center in that one great and funda-
civil list ; they were afraid to meet it ; and even the boldest of
mental point.
the ministerial phalanx were afraid to hazard it, though some
It was a certain maxim, however, laid down, and there
of them had not scrupled to adopt the principle, and to sup-
were those preposterous enough to support it, that touching
port, in their speeches, the proposition that the House had no
the King's civil list, would be meddling with private property.
right to interfere in it. Good God ! had he been asleep !
This he absolutely denied. But admitting for a moment the
when the good of the public
how had he been lost to himself! to what little purpose had
fact; was that not often done
all his education, his knowledge, and his experience been
'
called for such a sacrifice? In making turnpikes and new
attained, if that was really the fact ! But, surely, it would
roads, was not private property meddled with; and did not
never be a doctrine established in that House, that the King
parliament do it every week in the course of the session?
was to be uncontrouled in his civil list ! Did men know what
And why was not the private property of his majesty; if the
they were. asserting, when they held such language? Did
King's civil list really was private property, to be curtailed,
they really see no danger in it ? Or were they so truly
when the necessities of the state called upon parliament to
ig-
norant or so lost to the will of others, as not to know, or
do it?
knowing, not to stand up and fairly tell the House, that they
The influence of the crown had been said to have arisen,
were competent to the purpose, and that the king was only a
not from any increase of the civil list, nor an improper use of
trustee for the people, and liable to have his accounts in-
it, but from the large augmentation of the navy and army
spected by parliament? Had not such a practice been the
and gentlemen were not, with a candour he did not wish to
uniform practice of parliament ? How was it with James the
imitate, to ask the side of the House on which he ranged,
Second ? Had not that unhappy king, Who preferred a
why they would attack the civil list to reduce the influence
wretched, miserable pension from the court of France, to the
they complained of? He was aware of the subtilty of the
law of his subjects. on constitutional grounds, his whole re-
reasoning, and was ready to meet it. The naval and mi-
venue taken from him ?
litary arrangements, however extensive, were insisted upon
He was amazed to hear any opposition made to so plain an
as necessary. They naturally brought a prodigious influ-
axiom, a power so rooted in parliament. For, had the pre-
ence with their establishments, and. yet they were not to
'Sent king any hereditary right? Parliament, indeed, had
be lessened. How, then, was parliameht to check the in..
a
2 44
ma. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
DIR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
245
•
[March 8 .
/730.]
fluence of the crown ? Not by reducing the navy o r
been harshly used in that respect? The Marquis of
the army, for they were requisite and natural infl
cram
uences .
Carmarthen and the Earl of Pembroke had their lord lien-
What way, then, was there to narrow that influence but
tenancies taken from them, and for what ? Why, because
by striking off part of the civil list ? Parliament elyiadwe
the noble marquis had written his sentiments on the York
nro
other way of doing it, they had no alternative ; h
e
petition, and the other noble peer had presumed to vote
to reduce the influence in a manner within their power,
agreeably to his conscience in parliament ! In time of peace
and they had no other mode of getting at it but through the
some reason might be offered, or some pretext set up, for the
civil list.
removal of lords lieutenants, but to make such dismissions
An honourable and learned gentleman (Mr. Dundas) had•
when we were at war, and the militia might- every day be
denied the influence of the minister to be greater than hereto-
wanted for service, and to make noblemen of the first and
fore, because his majorities in parliament were not larger
oldest families in the kingdom the objects of such dismissions,
than the majorities of other ministers. The majorities of the
was, in his opinion, a plain and open indication, that the
present minister were become very small indeed, but the
army was to be employed in a way in which it ought not to
learned gentleman did not see the true cause. It was not
because the minister used less influence than he had done,
gentlemen had asked, was there any proof to he
b e e pi og
Some yeedn'
but because gentlemen saw better than they used to see; and
adduced that there really existed any undue influence of the
if he was to estimate the degree of corruption and influence
crown? As to proving an undue influence of that kind, were
of the minister, by the size of his majorities, he was inclined
gentlemen in earnest when they called for proof? How was
to believe that he would soon have reason to think him very
the influence of the crown to be proved ? He had almost
•virtuous and poor indeed. If, however, the learned gentle-
made a blunder, for he was going to say, that the influence of
man meant, when -he said the minister used no inNence, to
the crown sheaved itself only in the dark, or it appeared so
confine it to his conduct of the present day, he wouldtordially
rarely in the light, that it was not one of those things so
agree with him, for he had, indeed, used none. When the
capable of proving any otherwise than by the notoriety of the
right honourable gentleman near him (Mr. Rigby) threw out
fact.
Ins favourite proposition), that the House could not interfere,
He would now apply himself more immediately to the ques-
with the King's civil list, the noble lord used no influence to
tion under consideration ; and he wondered much that some
make the House accept it. No, the minister shrunk back to
gentlemen should make it a ground of objection to it, that it
•his native modesty, and left the House to their own choice.
was unfair, taking it for granted that a reform was necessary,
Nay, the right honourable gentleman himself, who wishes so
that the king's civil list should be attacked in the first instance.
ardently to put the question, had exercised as little of his
Good- God ! how could such assertions escape men who
power. Though he wanted the question put, he had used
valued at all their candour and their understanding? Had
none of his influence; he had left his friends and relations to
not Opposition endeavoured by every means in their power to
themselves, and to vote for the order of the clay, by which
retrench the public expellee? Had they not attempted over
the possibility of putting his resolution was all at once done
and over to stop the present unnatural war against America,
away. Even the right honourable the deputy-paymaster,
or, if it was to be continued., to withdraw our troops front
(Sir T. Caswall,) had at length voted against him, and yet so
thence, so that they might be emplo yed where they were
little disposed was he for using any influence, he dared to
really wanted, and an immense load of 'debt thereby avoided?
swear he would readily forgive him. He trusted he should
had been said, too, what new oppressions or injuries do you.
It
,not find him turned out of office for it, but that the thing
feel? Was it possible for such - a question to be coolly stated?
would be considered with all that perfect -candour, liberal
the loss of America nothing new ? Was the loss of our
sentiment, and ready r
Was
econciliation, so congenial to the
West India islands nothing new? Had we no new taxes?
right honourable gentleman's mind.
And were not all these things new injuries and oppressions ?
But, to speak seriously, was there really no undue or un-
With respect to the office of third secretary of state, it
constitutional influence ? Was there not a monstrous influ-
surely ought to be abolished. Not one single argument
ence that pervaded every department of the state? How
had even been attempted to prove that there was any utility
happened it, that such a scandalous dismission had taken
to arise from continuing it. If, indeed, only 4,5001. would
place of the lords lieutenants ? Had not the influence of the
be saved to the public by taking away the office, that was, in
It 3
246
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
247
[March
1780.]
his opinion, no reason why it should not be clone.
Does he not come to parliament time after time pray-
The samo
list?
objection might be brought against every clause in the bill,
to pay off what he is in arrear ? Are not the debts
'lig them
it was to be admitted as an argument against it, that it Iva
crown, even in this gigantic, overgrown allowance, as
l
ef the
only to save such a specific sum of money : 4,5004 taken hys
regularly voted as new taxes? Even at present, the civil list,
itself, was, perhaps, not so great a sum ; but when a
understood, was behind hand no less than three quarters,
nu
of those
he
sums
mber
were added together, they would amount to a
so that another application for paying off the debts of the
very great sum total, and it was in the aggregate, that the
crown might soon be expected ; nay, a noble lord had openly
reform in the public expenditure was proposed in the bill
aid, that the King's establishment would want a still further
s
before the House. It was not by abolishing the third office
increase as the branches of the royal family grew up.
of secretary of state that they should save so much money,
In order to spew that the House had no right to interfere
but strike off so much of the influence of the crown, which
with the civil list, the same noble lord had asked him, what
was, and ought to be, the primary object before them.
right lie had to question him about his style of living? As
And now he would ask the House, if the King's civil list
the case stood at present, he would readily allow him, that he
allowance was not to be proportioned to the situation of the
had none. But if he was living beyond his income, and he
times ? If the House had now to fix the amount, would they
was to pay his debts contracted thereby, he should think he
give his majesty so enormous a sum as 900,0001. a-year ?
had a just right to enquire into his conduct, and to say, you.
Would any gentleman, even for the sake of argument, for it
surely might lop off this or that article of extravagance. And
could be used for no other end, venture to contend, that the
how, otherwise, did the Opposition mean to deal with the
civil list should be disproportioned to the ability of the public?
King? And yet any strangers present, to hear the argu-
Indeed, it had been pretended, that 99o,occ/.
ments used by the ministerial side, would conclude, that the
was now no
more than equal to 700,0001. in the reign of KineVilliam,
House was moved to take away the King's private purse, and
but he reprobated the computation as idle and fallacious. The
not reduce the civil list, the allowance of which was only
price of provisions, it was true, was higher now than then ;
granted to him by parliament, in trust for the people, for their
but did the price of provisions affect the royal household so
use, and not for his own private occasions, to do with it just as
materially ? He wondered it should be touched upon; but
he might choose.
admitted the fact, namely, that 900,0001. was now no more
That the motion before the committee was perfectly agree-
than what 700,0001. was. But was this reign like King
able to, and in support of the petitions of the people of Eng-
William's ? Parliament, indeed, allowed that glorious prince
land, he strongly contended. They prayed for a diminution
an ample income; but had he not occasion for their liberality?
of the influence of the crown, and the abolishing of one of the
Good God ! was this reign to be compared with the reign of
secretaries of state tended directly to that point. In support
that glorious and puissant prince, who had such just and ex-
of the motion itself, he thought every thing might be said, that
tensive wars upon his hands ; who was engaged in great and
need be said. Experience was better than theory, and it had
noble undertakings, and while he had the state at home to
been proved, that two secretaries of state were sufficient, for
settle and adjust, was forming the most valuable alliances with
Lord Suffolk had been dead nearly twelve months, before a
foreign powers ?
person was appointed to succeed him.
The civil establishment for the present King had been,
He was sorry the minister and his friends were afraid to
indeed, most liberally considered by parliament upon his acces-
meet the question, whether the House had a power to con-
sion to the throne. They held him, as he professed himself,
troul the civil list or not ? Though, should they put it, he
a. free-born Briton, and made him a settlement equal to the
should not think himself bound to acquiesce in it. He would
predilection they hadformed in his favour. They took forgran
resist it to the utmost of his power. He trusted he did not
t
-cd every thing he promised, and did not know what he really
speak disorderl y, for parliament had not said any thing like
meant. They had not the least suspicion of the system by
they should at any time, he should conceive the com-
which his government was to be regulated, and did not know
pact between the King and people totally broken, and this.
those calamities and miseries they were about to experience
Country reduced to the most downright despotism that could
from an American war. Parliament little expected what 010'
be brought to practice. In such a case, he would not say
\\
it:
have since so badly relished. But great as the sum of 900,0°1
ha: fist e would do, but he should not think parliament a place
is, with what sort of face is it that even that is the King'
x 4
s civil
• "I
24 8
249
MR. BURKE'S ESTABLISHMENT BILL.
[arch
PETITION FOR AN ECONOMICAL REFORM.
17801
in which he should be able to serve the people, who knew,
At a quarter before three o'clock in the morning, the committee
he trusted, that they were not born to be slaves.
divided, when the office of Third Secretary of State was preserved
a majority of seven only ; the numbers being 201, in support of
He alluded, in 'very strong terms, to an honourable and
by
learned gentleman (Mr. Mansfield) amongst others, who were
the clause of reform, to 208, by whom it was opposed. Such was
issue of one of the longest and hardest fought days, that per-
sometimes standing forth as advocates for the crown, and
the
haps ever was known in the House of Commons ; nor was the
sometimes for the rights of the people. He exclaimed, in the
labour greater than the ability, or the parliamentary skill and
genuine warmth of patriotism, against the pretence that pal--
generalsh ip displayed on both sides.
tiament were bound at the period-of the Revolution, not to in-
terfere in the expenditure of the King's civil list, which he
called a new and damnable doctrine, and infamous to a degree;
he meant as far as it argued, and not personally, to the right
lonourable gentleman who had that day ventured to advance
it. He plainly saw it was the intention of ministry to treat
WESTMINSTER PETITION FOR AN ECONOMICAL REFORM.
the petitions with contempt, and to irritate the people of Eng-
land to acts of violence; but he trusted they would avoid them,
March f3.
for he hoped there were sure and certain constitutional means
by which they could relieve themselves, and punish the au-
thors of their calamities.
MIL FOX presented a petition from the city of Westminster.
setting forth, " That this nation hath been engaged for several
Could he possibly be brought to think, that the Revolution
years in a most expensive and unfortunate war ; that many of our
had established so vile a maxim, as that the Kit 's civil list
valuable colonies, having actually declared themselves independent,
was to be used independent of parliament, or thaarliament
have formed a strict confederacy with France and Spain, the dan-
were to be precluded from controuling the power of the crown
erous and inveterate enemies of Great Britain ; that the conse-
in all eases whatsoever, he should think that he, and all the
e of those combined misfortunes bath been a large addition
quenc
people of England, were bound to curse and execrate the Re-
to the national debt, a heavy accumulation of taxes, a rapid de-
volution. But did he think so absurdly of the Revolution ?
cline of the trade, manufactures, and land rents of the kingdom :
Could any one think so absurdly of it? How shamefully was
alarmed at the diminished resources and growing burthens of this
country, and convinced that rigid frugality is now indispensably
the Revolution libelled and traduced ! He had sometimes
necessary in every department of the state, your petitioners ob-
heard, that a rebellion tended to strengthen the hands of go-
serve
grief, that, notwithstanding the calamitous and impo-
with
vernment. He was now convinced, it was a very possible
verished condition of the nation, much public money has been im-
case ; for if the maxim, that the House really had no power
providently squandered, and that many individuals enjoy sinecure
over the civil list, should he established, a rebellion, and no-
places, efficient places with exorbitant emoluments, and pensions
thing but a rebellion, could possibly save the constitution, and
unmerited by public service, to a large and still encreasing amount,
restore it to that state, from which the establishment of so vile
whence the crown has acquired a great and unconstitutional in-
a. doctrine would inevitably reduce it, But why would .
fiuence, which, if not checked, may soon prove fatal to the liberties
not
of this country: your petitioners, conceiving that the true end of
ministry stand forth, and fairly try the Question ? The friends
every legitimate government is not the emolument of any indivi-
of the constitutien were ready, were waiting anxiously to
dual, but the welfare of the community, and considering that, by
combat it. But the minister, though he would persist in pre-
the constitution of this realm, the national purse is entrusted in fp.
judicing the House with the principle of it, shrunk back, in a
peculiar manner to the custody of this honourable House, beg
dastardly manner, and loathed the question in a debateable
leave further to represent, that, until effectual measures be taken
shape. For his part, he liked that kind of conduct worse than
to redress the oppressive grievances herein stated, the grant of any
the right honourable gentleman's, for he did not sculk behind
additional sum of public money, beyond the produce of the present
his partizans, but came boldly forth, in an open, manly manner,
taxes, will be injurious to the rights and property of the people,
and derogatory from the honour and dignity of parliament : your
and he liked the person that was honest enough to come out
petitioners, therefore, appealing to the justice of this honourable
in the day-light, and attack him at once unmasked. He de-
House, do most earnestly request; that, before any new burthens
clared, however, that should the question be ever put and
are laid upon this country, effectual measures may be taken, by
carried, he would alone contest it, and seek some other place
this House, to enquire into, and correct, the gross abuses in the
in which he would endeavour and hope to serve his country.
expenditure of public money, to reduce all exorbitant emoltr-
.
250
251
PETITION FOR AN ECONOMICAL REFORM. [March 13.
1780.3
EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
ments ; to rescind and abolish all sinecure places and unmerited
justice ? By instantly entering into another contract, at a
pensions ; and to appropriate the produce to the necessities of the
higher price. His first contract was the same as that made
state, in such manner as to the wisdom of parliament shall seem
by the victualling office ; his second was still nine-pence a
meet."
gallon dearer. In the last instance, the noble lord said, he
mistook currency for sterling ; but now at the end of two or
Mr. Fox said, that the petition was from the gentlemen,
three years, what step had the noble lord taken to bring this
clergy, and inhabitants of the city of Westminster, paying
public defaulter to public justice? No one step whatever.
taxes. The persons who had subscribed it, had set their
His only answer was, a general evidence given by himself; of
names to it voluntarily, and from a full conviction of the neces-
his own integrity and innocence. He again stated to the
sity of a general reform in the expenditure of the public
House, the necessity of paying a proper attention to the peti-
money. He had had an opportunity of going amongst the
tions of the people of England ; he said, the one he had just
petitioners, and though the taxes were in particular burthen-
now presented, was signed by upwards of five thousand elec-
some to the cities of London and Westminster, yet he knew
tors. They were temperate, moderate, and peaceable; but
that they would bear them without murmuring, could they but
they were unalterably firm in their resolution of obtaining
think the amount of them were properly applied. He trusted
redress. They called for reformation, and a full and satisfac-
no gentleman would deem the petitioners factious, for the
tory reformation they were determined to have. The noble
House had not thought them so. They had already produced
lord in the blue ribbon might, through his influence in that
sonic good effect, and he believed the House would not. dare
House, flatter himself, that by throwing out his honourable
to reject their prayer. When he used the word ' dare,' he
friend's bill (Mr. Burke's) this year, he would be enabled to
did not mean to threaten the House; he only said they would
defeat the great objects of the petitioners, a reform and reduc-
not dare, because he knew they saw that they not to
tion of the expenditure of the civil list, in order to diminish
refuse the petitioners satisfaction. He said the diArent com-
the influence of the crown; but he assured the noble lord, that
mittees had held a general meeting, and had laid down a
his attempts would be in vain : he might procrastinate the evil
grand plan of association. The great object of redress would
day : he might eke out his wretched administration for an-
be pursued peaceably, but firmly. The members were deter-
other year; but he was perfectly satisfied, that neither he, nor
mined to act agreeably to the constitution, but with a proper
any other minister who should be appointed to succeed him,
spirit. He ridiculed the minister's appointing a. commission
could stand long against the voice of the people. In the end
of accounts, and pronounced it a farce. The noble lord would,
they must prevail in their just, legitimate, and honest desires,
•
in a commission so constituted, be his own judge : for he was
because no parliament dare refuse them. He repeated, that
to nominate the commissioners, and to pay them. The noble .)
he did not mean to menace parliament; but when he said they
lord only having the idea of pension or place, could not think
dare not but comply with the prayer of the petitions, he wish-
of filling up the commission with a placeman or a pensioner,
ed to be understood as saying, that they dare not, because it
though in fact the persons to be appointed under the present
would be unjust to refuse it.
act, must be rewarded for their trouble. They would be
placemen with large salaries, as soon as they entered upon
their offices; they would be pensioners ever after, till they were
provided for; and lie knew of more than one instance where,
after a pensioner had been provided for, by giving him a place,
his pension was nevertheless continued to him. He adverted
RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
to the rum contract, and to a speech of Lord North's, in
which he challenged the House to call upon him, and re-
March 21.
marked that the noble lord wished to be an evidence as well as
judge for himself. He had frequently been charged in the
LORD NORTH informed the House, that the East India Com-
face of parliament, with entering into
not having made such proposals for the renewal of their
a fraudulent contract
pany
charter, as he had deemed satisfactory, he should accordingly
with Mr. Atkinson; but how did the noble lord exculpate him-
self? He told us, that he was imposed upon by Atkinson.
move the House, for the Speaker to give them the three years' no-
tice ordained by act of Parliament, previous to the dissolution of
What means did the noble lord take to bring the offender to
their charter, that the capital stock or debt of 4,200,0001. which
252
ARMY ESTIMATES — 2,TEW LEVIES.
253
EAST INDIA CO.MPAYY'S CHARTER. [March 21,
I7130.]
the public owed to the company, should be fully paid, on the 5th
lution, might put every thing in India to the risk, in order to
of April, 178 3 , agreeable to the power of redemption included in
aet home as large a stock as possible, that their ultimate divi-
the said act.
aend might be swelled. Thus their present industry, service-
able and beneficial as it was to themselves and to the public,
Mr. Fox rose to give a negative to the motion. He asked
would be directed from its course, and be rendered dangerous
whether the noble lord was not content with having lost Ame-
to the public in the extremest degree.—He said, he had seen
rica? Or was he determined not to quit the situation he held
in newspapers, the propositions agreed on by the general
until he had reduced the dominions of the crown to the con-
court of proprietors and rejected by the noble lord. They
fines of Great Britain ? What good could the present motion
certainly were not altogether such as he should approve, but
be attended with, or rather, what evil might it not produce ?
comparatively considered with a dissolution of the company,
The motion was a threat, and the idlest of all possible me-
they were most advantageous and desirable. The one must
•naces, because it was made at a time, when the noble lord knew
lead to certain ruin, the other to great wealth and great reve-
in his own mind, that he neither intended nor was capable of
nue. He imputed the bad understanding between the com-
carrying it into execution. Why, then, throw it out, unless
pany and the noble lord, to the noble lord's having attempted
the noble lord wished to ruin the East India Company's pos-
to possess himself of the patronage of the company, and hav-
sessions in India, and to deprive this country of the ample
ing, by the means of his secretary, endeavoured to carry
revenue she received through the commerce and trade of that
every thing his own way in Leadentall-street, declaring that
company ? It was ridiculous, it was dangerous to threaten,
he supposed they would not, on that account, treat with the
when men dared not perform what they threatened. Let the
noble lord at all. — After a variety of warm expressions, all
noble lord, let the House, turn their eves to the probable'
tending to supportathe idea that ruin would follow to the reve-
consequences of that threat. Good God 1 what a scene of
nue derived from the commerce of the company, and that we
anarchy, confusion, distress, and ruin, would it not occasion !
should lose all We had acquired in India, if parliament broke
Supposing even for a moment that the noble lori. really in-
with them, and seriously gave them the notice the noble lord
tended to put his threat in execution, and was apable of
had moved, he concluded, with earnestly exhorting the noble
doing it, must not the public suffer considerably ? How was
lord to change his intention, and not to act hostilely against
the money to be paid off? Did not the noble lord know he
the company, at least for the present.
was obliged to pay the debt at par, and therefore as the
4,200,0001.
Mr. Burke also opposed the motion with great animation-, and.
stood at the interest of 3 per cent. and the 3 per
concluded with moving the previous question ; upon which, after
cents. were at 6o, the public must necessarily lose a clear 4o
per cent. by every 1
a long debate, the House divided :
ool. they paid off? But how was the
Tellers.
Tellers.
noble lord to secure the revenues which the public were to de-
Sir George Yongel
NoEs Sir E. Bayntun
rive from the territorial acquisitions of the Company ? How
•
/ Mr. Robinson
Sir W. Meredith
was he to get them home ? Did not the noble lord know
The original question was then put and carried.
that the company was the best medium through which they
could possibly pass? Had he a plan for any new company,
and had he a design to establish a new company on the ruins
of the present ? Was that the noble lord's gratitude to those
to whom the country was so highly obliged, as the present
East India Company ? The noble lord must know that he
ARMY ESTIAIATES=.--NEW LEVIES. 114
could not by law grant an exclusive trade to a new company;
and where would his new company, if any such project he had
April s.
in view, get their capital ? He must know that the company
would laugh at his idle menace ; at least he hoped to God
HE army estimates being laid before the House, and a in,otion
they would, and not take' it as a serious matter, meant to be
-I- made for referring them to a committee, much warm debate
followed by the paying off the 4,20o,000/. If they did, woe
arose upon the subject of the new levies, and of the innovations
be to the revenue, woe be to the public, woe be to all our ac-
with respect to rank and promotion, which were charged by the
quisitions in India ! The company, if they expected a di:?so,-
Opposition to have taken pioce in the army,
•
1780.]
ARMY ESTIMATES -NEW LEVIES.
255
254
ARMY ESTIMATES-NEW LEVIES.
[April g.
Mr. Fox threw out a variety of pointed sarcasms on clerks
in civil capacities all their life-time, might have them for
and commis being suddenly converted into officers of high rank,
asking for.
and ridiculed the idea of the appointment of an honourable
He declared he objected to various parts of the estimates.
gentleman (Mr. Fullerton) being excused, on the plea of its
If the men who had been raised on one condition to serve in
being merely during the war, and that when peace came, he
the troop of horse (Colonel Holroyd's), and who were after-
and other gentlemen preferred to the rank of colonels at once,
wards put upon a different footing, and re-attested, as he un-
would become private men again. He asked whether the
derstood, for that purpose, had not had a free alternative of
time of war was not the time when officers of experience were
either being re-attested or discharged, as they thought pro-
most wanted by their country, and rank in the army most
0.
per, they had not been fairly treated. He then entered into
estimable? What did it signify in time of peace, who was a
an argument on the respectability and antiquity of the family
colonel, or who was not ? 'Rank then, was only the instru-
of the Earl of Derby and others, whose offers to raise regi-
ment which procured officers, whose services merited a com-
ments had been refused, deducing from the premises, that
fortable and honourable provision. The army was at all
such men were best attached to the constitution, and most
times an object, of which it well became that House to be ex-
likely to preserve the liberties of the people; inferring, that
tremely jealous; but most particularly so, when new regiments
he was warranted to suspect from their offers having been re-
were raising in such abundance, and the commands so extra-
ected, that the new regiments were designed to do something
j
ordinarily bestowed, that it warranted a suspicion that sooner
adverse to those liberties. He took occasion in this part of
or later the army was intended to be employed against the
his speech, to advert to the antiquity of the Scotch families,
liberties of the people. There had scarcely been an offer ac-
and ridiculed them. He said further, that he had no objec-
cepted or rejected, within the last eighteen months, which
tion to the Scotch ; that among his friendships, many of them
did not prove either a scandalous partiality, or a most,,I,mwar-
were with gentlemen of that country whom he esteemed and
rantable refusal. Let gentlemen consider the handsnie offer
loved ; but still he could not help now and then reflecting on
of the Earl of Derby, to raise a regiment, and the manner in
what had passed in former times. Forget and forgive, was
which it had been refused. Let them recollect that the only
an easy maxim to speak, but a hard matter to practise. When
objection insinuated, was the earl's having desired permanent
he considered what had happened twice within a century; that
rank, but that he had afterwards waved that claim. As an
the most dangerous attacks on the constitution had come from
evasion, it had been said, there was no letter from the Earl of
the northern part of the kingdom, he could not but be alarm-
Derby, specifying that he had so waved it ; and though it
ed, when he saw the partiality daily shewn to Scotchinen.
was allowed that he had made the declaration publicly in the
He could not but recollect, that at one time, in order to ob-
House of Lords, it was pretended that no notice could be
tain power, the Scotch had agreed to give up what they held
taken by office of what was there said. This, however, would
most dear, their religion, and to swallow popery, —such was
strike every man of candour as a pitiful quibble, and would
their eagerness to establish an absolute monarch, and to
make the conduct of ministry appear rather worse than better.
exercise their love of tyranny. Reflecting on these matters,
Let the House remember the answer given to Major Stanley,
therefore, he owned he was alarmed at the number of Scotch
who died as much in the service of his country as if he had lost
officers, who had of late got into the army, more especially
his life in action at the head of his regiment. Let them remem-
the number of those who had obtained. the commands of new
ber likewise the refusal to Lord Chatham, and the refusal given
raised regiments.
to Mr. Thomas Grenville, brother to Lord Temple, and to
Mr. Wyndham, brother to Lord Egremont, both ensigns in
Mr. Dundas retorted on Mr. Fox for his reflectioniton the
the guards. What had been the plea in their cases? That
Scotch. He said, he was sure the honourable gentleman did not
they were in the army, and could move but one step at a
feel those animosities and prejudices against Scotland, which he
had thought proper to revive in the course of the debate, but
time; so that ,the absurd system now pursued in the military
that he had chosen to adopt the illiberality of others, because it
line, was, that those who, from having been bred up in the
served his present purpose ; he could not however but imagine,
army, and having served, were best qualified for high com-
that the honourable gentleman had mistaken the day and the place
mands, had no chance of obtaining them, while unprofes-
in which he had been speaking. The honourable gentleman had,
sional men, men employed as under secretaries of state, and
when he was younger, been much wiser ; there was a time, and
4
256
ARMY ESTIMATES—NEW LEVIES.
[April $,
ARAIY ESTIMATES—NEW LEVIES.
257
1 78b
he might very well remember it, when he sat on the treasury_
said so. It was to be collected in that House, until they acted
bench, and maintained, that the voice of the people was to be
collected
in opposition to the voice of the people in the original capa,
no where but in the House of Commons. But he doubt_
ed not a time would come, ere long, when the honourable gentle-
city. In all ordinary cases it was the most practicable and
man would be wise again, and agree with him in opinion, that the
.expeditiou s means of declaring the sense of the people; but
present mode of proceeding used by Opposition could be produc-
when the representative body did not speak the sense of the
tive only of anarchy, disgrace, and confusion.
constituent, the voice of the latter was constitutional and con-
clusive. This had been his opinion, and it would still be so,.
Mr. Fox rose, in answer to the attack that bad been
He said there was no man who had been more systematic in
s0
personally directed against him, by the learned gentleman
his opinions and in his conduct, than himself. The noble
who spoke last. He expected that such an attack would be
lord in the blue ribbon would do him the justice to say so.
made, and that it would come from such a quarter. The
It was his fault, and his misfortune to be too stubborn in his
learned gentleman had talked of what he was totally ignorant,
temper, too much indisposed to the courting of popularity,
since the assertions to which he alluded were made before the
and too much matched and wedded to his opinions. whey.
learned gentleman had a seat in that House. The learned
formed. He would be bold to say that the noble lord in the
trentlemnn had been misinformed, and had spoken a
6
greeably
blue ribbon would not assert that lie had ever heard his pub:-
to that misrepresentation. No man who was in the House at
lie doctrines at variance with his private, though he knew
the time, and who heard the opinion that he gave, would
well that he had often been surprised at opinions which the
have dared to misrepresent him in such a manner; but speak-
noble lord had given in public after hearing his private senti-
ing in consequence of the report which he had received, the
ments. The honourable gentleman remarked with infinite
learned gentleman had dared to do it, and he was excusable,
humour on what the learned gentleman had said respecting
because he did not know whether he was right or not. ,Jn the
himself, and his countrymen in general.
second or third speech which he had ever made in his4e, and
at a time when he was only twenty-one years of age, perhaps
The question for going into the Committee was carried, and
expressions might drop from him which were loose and unde-
the Speaker left the chair. On the resolution for defraying the
fined; but it would be very unusual indeed to examine such
expences of Mr. Fullerton's corps,
expressions with rigour. He, however, wished that every
Mr. Fox took occasion to say, that of all men breathing,
assertion which he had made should be fairly tried; all that
he wished for was that his words should be fairly represented,
no one entertained fewer prejudices than himself. He detested
them. He had many valuable friends in Scotland, and he
and that men who were not in parliament at the time should
not take the report of newspapers, nor of informers, as evi-
had the pleasure to say that many noble persons in that
country went hand in hand with England on the present
dence against him. He appealed to the recollection of every
occasion. He wished, for his part, to unite every part of the
man in the House who was present at the time, whether he
did not, in the opinion which he gave in the affairs of the
empire, and to lose, it' possible, the very names of distinction.
Middlesex election, build all his argument in the power of the
It had been the system of this unfortunate reign to maintain
people. Every topic which he urged was founded on this po-
itself by division and discord. Divide et impera had been its
pular and proper doctrine, and was intended to maintain the
favourite plan. It had accomplished the divide, but the
power of the people in opposition to that of the crown and the
impera he hoped would never follow. Ireland had been
House of Lords. On this ground he had changed no opi-
divided from England, England from Scotland, and America
nion ; but he said that the voice of the people was to be col-
!.'coin Great Britain. This system of division and discord had
lected in that House ; andin the newspapers it was added, that
set brother against brother, man against man, and connexion
against connexion. He wished to see that system superseded
he had said that the voice of the people was not to be collect-
ed in petitions. Such an expression could not fall from him;_
by one of family concord, which had a f eye to every part of
it would have been as inapplicable as unjust. There were
the empire, and proscribed nothing.bu• inability and demerit,
not any petitions then before the House. There was no topic
relating to such a subject ; but that the voice of the people
was to be collected in that House he had said, and he still
VOL. L.
MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMEN T. - •
259
258 MOTION AGAIN'ST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT. [April 24.
780.]
the empire. The honourable . gentleman who spoke last had
described the troubles of. the:. last century with so much
MR. DUNNING'S MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING THE PAR.-
LIAMENT, OR PROROGUING THE
much warmth, and so much force of expressi01),
SESSION, UNTIL MEASURES
ability, SO
HAVE BEEN TAKEN TO
that until the conclusion of his speech he could not. be . per-
DIMINISH THE INFLUENCE OF THf:
CROTVN, AND CORRECT PUBLIC
suaded but the •honourable gentleman had intended to vote
ABUSES.
for the question, and not against it. The honourable gentle-
April 24.
man had asked to have it ascertained what degree of influence
the petitions of the people ought to have in that House ; the
ww IL DUNNING moved, " That an humble address be pre.
honourable gentleman had surely forgot, that the question he
IVA seated to his majesty, praying, that he will be graciously
asked had already been determined. Co remind the honour-
pleased not to dissolve the parliament, or prorogue the present
able gentleman that it had, he begged the three resolutions of
session, until proper measures have been taken to diminish the
the 6th of April might be read. They were accordingly
influence, and correct the other abuses, complained of by the
petitions of the people. • He sarcastically alluded to the unusual
by the clerk at the table.*
. .
.
.
He. said, that if it were 'clear what the propositions NN•ere,
fulness of the House, hoping the new comers would show their
zeal for
which would be adopted in compliance with the prayers of, the
their country, their regard for the people, and their
n ion
abhorrence of undue influence, by supporting the motion, and
people, he Ibr one should ol?ject to the present notion
that
as
the 233 of the Gth of April would' receive an augmentation of
unecessary ; that his _learned friend could only propose, it
twenty or thirty. Mr. Thomas Pitt, who seconded the motion,
remained for the House to adopt or to reject, and that it
read the resolutions of the Cambridge county meeting, approving
be a work of some time. He rejoiced that
would unavoidabl y
the late proceedings, and conjured the house not to repress the
the Opposition had once been unpopular, because he said
budding confidence of the nation, and inspire popular rage ir when
they. had borne all the obloquy, all the odium, all the cen-
the people were once inflamed, who could stop them,Or say,
sure with patience, and had lived to see every one of their
" thus far shalt thou go and no farther ?" Mr. Adam was the
most conspicuous opponent of the motion, and made a speech of
doctrines agreed to, and adopted by those who had opposed
extraordinary ability, for the purpose of showing the improper
them when first proposed, and had helped to load them
foundation of the petitions, and the error of those who had devised
with obloquy, with odium, and with censure. Viewing the
an appeal to the people. He painted,. in animated terms, the
matter thereibre as a party man,..it must be matter of triumph,
dangers of beginning a reformation by means of the people, and
matter of satisfaction; but viewing it in.the light in which he
cited the memorable -days of Charles I. to prove, that although
really did view it, namely, as all Englishman and a member
human intellect and virtue were then, at their greatest height ;
it was matter of lamentation; matter of melan-
jthough the patriots who began an Opposition to the court were
of parliament,
choly and heart-breaking compunction, because what consti:-
ustified by the most imperious motives, yet they were compelled
by increasing licentiousness
tuted the glory and the triumph of Opposition, was the ruix
to withdraw from active interference,
and doomed to view the overthrow of the constitution, and the
and the disgrace of his country.
establishment of the most oppressive and arbitrary despotism that
Having thus described the general importance of the times,
had ever cursed a nation.
and enumerated the various great topics that had come under
discussion since he sat in. the house, he insisted, in most
Mr. Fox rose immediately after Mr. Adam, and introduced
what he had to say, with a most eloquent exordium. It had
4
been his fate, he observed, in common with others, since he
The following is a copy of the said resolutions :---, it .is necessary to
had sat in parliament, to 'witness the most important debates
" i. That it is the opinion of this Committee, that
of the crown has increased, ii • increasing, and
that had occurred within the present century,—the
declare that the influence
debates. on
the American war, the debates on the
ought to he diminished.'
war with France, the
competent to this House; to examine into, and to correct
" 2.
That it is
debates on the war with Spain. That great and serious as
abuses in the expenditure of the civil list revenues,. as well- 4S, inevery other
it shall appear expedient to the
those topics were, he had Mt his mind at ease, and playful
branch of the public revenue, whenever
as it were, in comparison to his feelings on the present occa-
wisdom of this House so to do.
sion ; that now it was impossible for him to describe the awe
" 3.
That it is the duty of this House to provide, as far as may be, an
i mmediate and effectnatredress of the abuSeS complained of in the petitions
and horror with which he was impressed. That the subject
different counties, cities, and towns of
presented to this House, from the
was of the utmost importance, and involved in it the fate
this
Of
s
kingdom."
.•
.
,
4,2:
266 MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT; [April 24;
So.] MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT.
16!
expressive terms, on the superior importance of the motio4
He then alluded, in the most glowing expressions of rhe,
"
then before the committee, to every other subject that had
tonic, to the situation of the country, and said, that upon the:
been discussed in the. present parliament. He said he was
fate of the present question depended, whether this constitu-
fair to own, and he believed his honourable and learned friend
tion which had been the pride
and glory of
glory world, which
who made the motion would agree with him, that what the
the honourable gentleman Who spoke last had described with
'
honourable gentleman who spoke last had said respecting this
such ability and eloquence, was to remain the boast of man-
motion being new, was perfectly founded ; he believed there
kind; or whether Englishmen were again to fight for their
was no precedent for it, and that the act of 16 4 1 did not apply
liberties, were again to take the field in opposition to arbi-
to it. But (said he) as the circumstances of the times are
trary power ; and whether the days of anarchy and despotism,
new, the situation of this country is without precedent. The
which the honourable gentleman had gone over, were to recur,
r),
miserable slats to which we have been brought by the igno.
and, after a scene as mortifying 'as that struggle had taken
ranee and folly of those who govern the country, the increased
place, a restoration was to follow upon those abject terms of
influence of the crown, the grievances of the people daily
servility •and ;leanness, which was perhaps more disgraceful
increasing, call for new and unprecedented means or redress.
to this country, than the scene that preceded it, on bringing
The honourable gentleman had desired his learned friend to
back Charles II. without terms or stipulation.
come forward with his system, and to unfold the extent to
In short, he said, the question now was, whether the British
which he meant to go in reformation and change. Had not
constitution, " that beautiful fabric, raised by the steadiness
the House declared the necessary alteration already? Did
of our ancestors, and cemented by the best blood of the
not the resolution come to by 233 gentlemen, prove it to be
country l"—these were the old, the trite, but nevertheless,
the sense of this House, that the influence of the troyn had
they were the best words he could use on the occasion, they
increased, was increasing, and ought to be Had
expressed most perfectly all that could be said of the constitu-
not the same majority declared, that early means must be
tion ; he could invent none so good, he would therefore adopt
taken to redress those grievances? That those means must
them, as meeting the feelings of every Englishman—whether
be adequate to the end no one can doubt; it is not therefore
that beautiful fabric, raisedby the steadiness of our ancestors,
an unknown system, but a system founded on the determine,
and cemented by the best blood of our country, was to be
tion of the committee, and adopted by the House. If the
maintained in that freedom, in •that purity, in that perfection,:
House mean to keep their word with the people, to whom
in which those ancestors had delivered it to us, and for which
they have solemnly pledged themselves to destroy that baneful
that blood had been spilt; or whether we were to submit to
influence which Undermines the liberties of the country, the
that system of despotism, which had so many advocates in
House must proceed further. Unless they agree to the pre-
this country, which was evidently meant to be promoted, to
sent motion, they betray the people, by leaving it in the
be established, and to be fixed. He declared, that during the
power of the minister, (who s pews himself an enemy to the
course of what the honourable gentleman who spoke last had
people, by his conduct here, and by his directions to others
said, when he employed his oratorical talents in so well de-
in another place, to put . a stop to one of the means of re,
scribing the miseries of the last century, -and the unhappy times
dressing the abuses complained of; by throwing out the Con-
of Charles the
a prince 'whom his subjects could not trust,
1st,
tractors' Bill) to prorogue or dissolve the parliament before
in whom his best friends and most faithful ministers could
the means of redress are applied. If the motion should pass,
place no confidence ; whose character for insincerity' and ob-
•
though it did not bind the crown, there still remained
ose
in the
stinacy was his own ruin,. and the ruin of his country ;
eXecutive . power the ability to dissolve the parliament, or pro,
deceitful conduct betrayed him into every -error; whose fatal
rogue the present session : yet, he believed no minister would
and unconquerable obstinacy never allowed him to recede:
be .so rash or so wicked, as to advise his majesty to dissolve
who pursued unrelentingly the same .fatal system—while the
the parliament, when that House had addressed him not to
honourable gentleman, he said, was describing that history, he
do it. He trusted there was yet enough of weight and of
could not help thinking, till the very last part of his speech,
power in that House, to make good its own resolutions, and
that the honourahle.gentleman meant to vote for the motion.
to carry- them into effect; that the respect in which the exe-
Surely the honourable gentleman knew that if that unfor-
cutive power held its advice, was too great to admit 'of .a
•unate,. misguided monarch, (in whose character a mixture of
conduct contrary to its wishes, properly and humbly expressed,
4Stinacy and insincerity .was the leading feature,) had wisely
3
26'
.162 MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT. [April 24.
i-780.] MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT.
•yielded to the just grievances of the people, had given way to
that the Ministers, with alought majority, would reject them
'the just prayers of the petitions, and redressed those abuses iii
: the grievances of the people would be heard, ought to be
the early part of his reign, all that final anarchy, all that hot.:
heard, nay must be heard.
:rid despotism, all that dreadful scene that ensued, would have
He then went on to say, that though he did upon some ac-
been avoided; and the unfortunate end,' to which that prince
counts regret the recess, which the nustbrtune of the Speaker's
brought himself, by his obstinate resistance to the complaints
ill health had occasioned, yet there was one thing that made
'of his peopled and his stubborn refusal to redress the
him happy that it had taken place; it had given him an oppor-
grievances
that he had caused, by his Unwisely persisting in illegal levies
tunity of reviewing calmly and deliberately the present situa-
of money, and by the arbitrary-proceedings of ecclesiastical
tion of the country ; it had given him time to consider,
courts, would have been prevented. He expected therefo
whether those steps, that were meant to be taken, were wise
re,
that an honourable gentleman Who had described so patheti-
and proper, and whether this was the time to propose them;
cally, with so midi feeling and force of expression, those
it gave him an opporttanity to prepare his opinion upon a sub-
therefore
-disasters, would have concluded
of such magnitude and importance; lie had
With him in agreeing to the
ject
-.motion, as a means of averting those evils of which he seemed
offered himself early to the Speaker's eye, for the purpose of
so apprehensive. He said the honourable gentleman had
delivering that opinion without any allusion to any thing that
made an observation relative to the tendency of the motion,
had been said, but had nofbeen so lucky as to be seen by him.
which he did expect would be made, namely, that it supposed
He said, his wish had been to avoid the heat and personality
a necessity upon the part of parliament. implicitly to comply
which replying to the arguments of others was very apt to be-
with what the:petitions of the people of tngland required, and
tray him into. If he did not, therefore, allude any more to
- that that House, or another House of Parliament, b refusing -
4
the arguments of the honourable gentleman who spoke last,
-the bills proposed for the redress of those abuses,
he trusted that the honourable gentleman would not impute
uld pre-
. -vent any advantage from the motion being carried. He here
it to disrespect for him or his abilities: he knew him to be a
'stated, that the motion was to address the king, not to pro-
man, he respected his talents, but he wished to keep strictly
rogue the session, or dissolve the parliament, till some mea-
to opinions which he had deliberately considered. He begged
sures
leave however to allude to one thing that had fallen from the
• were taken to redress the abuses complained of in the-
petitions of the people. He then asked, whether the taking
honourable gentleman, before be had done with his reply.
of some measures required that parliament should do any
The honourable gentleman had talked of tests to members of
• thing that was improper for parliament to do? Must not
parliament being unconstitutional. He begged leave to say,
something be done ? must not some measure be taken to
that though they had been talked of, they had not been adopt-
corn-
'ply with those petitions? And was it not necessary, if they
ed but in three places, Yorkshire, Middlesex, 'sand the city of
meant to grant the people their just requests, to keep parlia-
'Westminster. [Here Sir Joseph Alawbey said, and Surry.-i
Teent sitting till such time as that was done? But it was said,
Well, then, four places have agreed to tests. But, continued
-that bills might be refused, if not here, in another House.
he, suppose them general, is it remarkable that those who are
; Was it not nevertheless possible to effect the redress of some
going to vote for members of parliament, should be desiro!is
abuses, by means independent of a bill ? For instance, was- it
of knowing the sentiments of the person they are to elect, upon
incompetent to that House to address his majesty to instruct
any particular and important subject that is to come under
his ministers not-to give a contract to a member of parliament?
parliamentary discussion? Take the American war for in-
ell as any
and would it not be a matter that the executive power would
stance; it will serve the purpose of illustration as-
hardly choose to deny upon an address of that House? But
other subject; suppose then, a person is to give his vote
suppose it to be clone by bill, —an honourable friend of his
for a member of parliament at a general election, and that the
brought in a bill to redress the grievance. complained of, by
great subject of parliamentary discussion is, whether we should
odsonable for the
revenue officers voting for members of parliament; that bill
go to war with America? Would it be uurr
-had been rejected by the House. Another honourable gen-
endeavour to discover, whether the person he was
elector to .
tleman had brought in a bill for the exclusion of placemen ;
to vote for, was for or against the American war ? A test, then,
that . bill might possibly be rejected ; other gentlemen, w40
is only a means to come at the opinion of those we are to
wished well to the reduction of influence, might also bring in
choose for members of parliament.
other bills to the same end; and it was hardly to be. supposed
He then went on to the discussion of the subject, as he had
•
I
54
1
264 MOTION AGAIN gr IMOLVING PAIMIAMtNT. [April 24,
780.] MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PAELIAKENT.
265
considered it independent of reply, in which he threw out a
he
been taught by the men who undertook to instruct him
had
•
rcat variety
early youth, when he was yet to learn the duties of a
b
of matter, both relati \\:e to the propriety of the
in his
motion, and the intention of ministers to frustrate the redress
member of parliament, overturned and contradicted. When
of grievances, and establish arbitrary power ; and added many
into that House, the noble lord in the blue ribbon
he came
observations on the means they had taken to vilify Opposition ;
taught him to consider the privileges of the House of Com-
together with many arguments to induce the 233 to vote with
him.
mons as the first and most necessary part of the constitution.
noble lord had told him that the House was the palladium
The
The ministry themselves, and their prostitute followers, he
of British liberty, 44 there it was that the rights of the
said, had spared no pains, had scrupled at no means to tra.
to be supported, and the privileges of the House
people were
duce, Calumniate, and lower the character of those who op.:
of Commons were to be maintained, and to be kept up, be=
posed them. They had aimed their poisoned arrows at them
cause it was in that House that the liberties of the people of
equally as public men and private individuals. They had
Pena-land were to be preserved !" Good God, how had the
raked into every part of their lives to find some personal
kept to that pAeiple ! . How basely had he de-
noble lord
weakness, in order to use it as an instrument of
serted that ground, and left the privileges of the House to be
Calumny:
The follies of youth, and the foibles of age, had been held out
trampled upon ! How was the doctrine changed with :re,
"i:
to the public as the most enormous crimes. Some had been
to the other House of Parliament ! , It was not many
4
spect
abused for being too rich, others for being too poor. Even
years since that House had solemnly voted it improper for
the indiscretions of some had been 'Ought forward against
to take into consideration any thing relative to the right
them
all as serious accusations. Nor had this task been undertaken
seat of a member of the House of Commons. How
of the
by the lowest of the tribe Of abusers; grave and distin 'wished
they changed their conduct and opinion by the rejection
had
characters, men elevated in rank, and exalted in stati ; men
a bill that related to the members of the House of Com-
of
in high office had harangued a great assembly, on of the
alone ! And if lie was to judge from the protest of the
mons
highest assemblies in the kingdom, on those indiscretions.
Lords, on the rejection of the Contractors' bill, and he con-
The Earl of Hillsborough had done this. The Earl of Hills-
ceived he was intitled to judge from that protest, the Lords
borough, who had reprobated the conduct of the House Of
had rejected the bill upon reasons the most futile, the most
Commons on the most important occasion, and who, when
ill-founded, that could well be imagined : but did not every
perhaps the House of Commons most deserved the applause
part of that business chew that ministerial influence had in-
and gratitude of the people at large, had deemed that conduct
terfered, that the noble lord in the blue ribbon had rejected
the phreuzy of virtue, and virtue run mad, had contrasted a
that bill contrary to the sense of the majority of hereditary
public mischief with a private vice, and had set up the gaining
and independent peers, and that the rejection had been car-1
of individuals with their Own fortune, against the gaming of
vied by the Scotch lords and the bench of bishops? Gentle=
public men with the public purse. He was as ready as any
men argued about the right of the House of Lords ; they had
man to own that gaming was a vice, but surely he had a right
aright, but would it be permitted, would it be allowed:by that
to say, it was a vice countenanced by the fashion of the times,
House, would the other House dare to counteract the
a vice into which some of the greatest characters had given;
wishes of the people in matters in which they themselves had
in the early part of their lives, and a vice which carried with
no concern ?
it its own punishment, and entailed a curse upon those who
He said the vote of the 6th of April, that glorious vote
were addicted to it. As public men, he said, Opposition had
which established a foundation for the liberty of this country,
been deemed a faction, and had been described as a faction of
Could not be carried into execution without agreeing to the
the most Obnoxious kind ; a faction who were enemies to the
present motion. He therefore argued, that the 233 gentle-
welfare of their country. At one time they were called Ame-
men who had voted that the influence of the crown had iits
ricans, at another time Frenchmen, at another time Spaniards,
creased, and ought to be diminished, must adopt the present
arid now the phrase was, that they were Dutchmen. In short,
motion as the only means of carrying any thing in execution;
they were at all times any thing but Englishmen !
For what was the situation of those gentlemen and of that
- Having delivered the above in the most animated stile of
House ?--.--They had pledged themselves in the most solenin
oratory, he declared, that he had been eleven years a member
manner to redress the grievances complained of in the pee.;
*If parliament, and he had lived to see all . those principles that
tions of the people of England. Like the case of ,an
13 -.
266 MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIA1IENT. [April
MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT.
267
24,
7 8 0.3
dual who enters into a bond to pay a sum of money, or incurs
(Earl Nugent) who spoke early, so well described—a ruinous
a penalty, they had solemnly entered into a
war, a bankrupt treasury', and an impaired constitution I
bond with the
people of England, to reduce the undue influence of the
But as he would explain it, it was a principle that would estab-
crown, and to destroy that enormous overgrown corruption,
lisli freedom, maintain the constitution, and promote the hap-
and the penalty, in case of non-performance, was a forfeiture
piness of England. To divide the good from the bad, to sepa-
of the affections of the people of England. That most dread-
•ate those who loved the constitution from those who abused it,
ful calamity, that most melancholy circumstance that could
to divide the uncorrupted and the virtuous from the bought
attend a House of Commons, the loss of the affections of those
corrupted, to divide those who loved freedom, from those
and
for whose advantage, and to promote whose happiness they
who wished the establishment of despotism—su ch a division,
were chosen, would be the fatal consequence of not fulfilling
forming an union of the great and good, would lay the foun-
the conditions of the bond into which they had entered
dation for all those reformations that' were necessary to re-
But, said he, it is impossible that this can take place. ' Magna
store the freedom of an impaired constitution. But the wicked
est Veritas et pienvalebit'
system (a system as weak as it is wicked) of those who had
• no truth of what that House had
determined, the solemn manner in which they had declared
divided every other part of the empire, and now wished the
influence too great, and consequently dangerous, must prevail
division of the people of England, in order to maintain that
over every attempt to corrupt; and those who had solemnly
fatal power which had cursed this country, and reduced it to
bound themselves to redress the grievances complained
its present melancholy situation, was to be withstood. He
cf,
would, in the end, overcome the purchased votes of a minister.
trusted, therefore, that 233 honest and unbought men would -
He answered the objections made to the motio on the
not allow themselves upon this occasion to be operated upon
ground that it tended to an infringement on the 1v's pre-
by that weak and wicked maxim, but that pledged as they
rogative, by shewing, that so far from assuming ai power
were to the people, they would fulfil every engagement they
derogatory to that prerogative, it fully acknowledged it; and
had brought themselves under.
in reply to the argument urged against the motion, on the
He interspersed these observations with frequent replies to
idea that parliament might, if the motion were carried, con-
Mr. Adam, particularly upon the argument he had made use
tinue sitting for two years together, lie said those fears wile
of to chew, . that the negativing the present question did not
groundless and absurd, for that parliament would die a natural
infer a necessity of adopting the measure of immediate disso-
death in October 1781; and as the motion only proposed that
lution or prorogation. This he answered by saying, that it
the House should sit, till proper measures were taken to dimi-
did however leave an administration, hostile in every point
nish the influence of the crown, and correct the other abuses
to the petitions of the people, with the power of prorogation
complained of in the petitions of the people ; it was in the
and dissolution in their hands, if they chose to make use of it.
power of the House to put an end to the session, whenever it
He likewise made some observations upon annual parliaments
pleased, and if heartily and sincerely disposed to listen to the
and increased representation, not supporting them, though at
voice of the people, a very short time would suffice for effect-
the same time not condemning them, but rather stating that
ing all that was necessary.
the present motion was unconnected with that consideration.
There was an old precept, lie said, which in one sense was
He then went again into the doctrine of the popularity and
profoundly wise and admirable, but which in that in which ad-
unpopularity of Opposition ; he reprobated the attempts of
ministration practised it, he detested as the most destructive
ministers to abuse them by means of the press, and thanked
and wicked principle of government. In the opposite sense,
God they had overcome all their calumnies, and were now
in that in which he could explain it, lie revered and respected
as popular as their enemies wished them the reverse. He
it as one of the best maxims that could direct the conduct of
said, with respect to the . American business, he rather be-
mankind. Divide et impe •a, in the common acceptation of
lieved that they had not acted at first altogether agreeably
the words, and as those who advised his majesty had adopted
the popular opinion ; but if they were 4 that ground an
to
them, was the miserable principle to which he traced back all
Unpopular opposition, he gloried in the circumstance, if he
the innumerable calamities of this unfortunate reign. It was
considered it as a party man, but he regretted it as an English-
to that diabolical principle of divide and conquer, as practised,,
man. Had not every event proved, had not the conviction of
not against the enemies but the friends of the constitution,
that House, had not the conviction of the country, and the
that had produced our present situation, which a noble lord
scandalous disgrace of the present ministers, who had given
•
MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAAIENT.'
'269
268 MOTION AGAIN-ST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT. [April
_90,1
24.
-J
colour or shadow' of apology intervening, to desert and. repre,
un,every point they had formerly contended for, proved, that
bate the principles which they maintained on that ever memor-
though unpopular, they were right in all their opinions ? The
glory of Opposition, therefore, was the disgrace and ruin of
able night.
Great Britain ; points which every true Englishman must re-
He was proceeding, but during the whole time he was on his
.gard with horror, and in whose eyes all ideas of popularity
legs there prevailed a shameful disorder in the House, great num-
must appear insignificant, and trifling indeed, when seriouslY
bers. standing and talking on the floor, and about the table. Sir
compared. This ground he laboured with his usual vehe--
Thomas Frankland during this confusion called frequently to order,
mence and ability, and concluded for the motion, as being so
_as did likewise the Speaker, but, to little or no effect. At length
material for the great object the House had pledged itself to,
Sir Thomas called on the Chair to exercise its authority, and if pos-
that he could not bring himself to believe that it would be
sible to restore order. The Speaker then called on every side of
refused.
the House with great vehemence ; commanded the serjeant to
clear the bar, and insisted that gentla}nen should take their places.
The motion was reprobated by Lord George Germain, as an
Order was not yet restored; at length
proper mode of abridging the royal prerogative. Mr. Dundas
ridiculed it as a recruiting officer sent out by Opposition to beat up
Mr. Fox rose, and the members taking their places, as he
for grievances, and enlist motions. At eleven o'clock the House
entreated an hearing, he said, since he had first sat in that
divided.
House he never felt himself so hurt, mortified, and filled with
.Sir .1 ames LOwther}Mr. Gascoyne
indignant resentment as he had done that night; so much so,
YEAS Mr. Byng
203.-- NOES {Mt. Robinson 254.
that, but for the circumstance already alluded to, relative to his
Mr. DUnning's motion was consequently negatived.
learned friend, and his adjourning over the committee, he, for
one, was determined, so far as related to himself; to adjourn
As soon as the members were told into the House, sev(,.ral gen,
over the business of the present session, and never more enter
•
tlemen repaired to the table, to settle the orders relati o tlieit
that House, so long as the majority entertained similar senti,
respective propositions before the House ; among the fest Dir.
ments to those they apparently embraced by the vote they had
Dunning moved, that the committee of the whole House, to take
given that night. It was a scandalous, treacherous and disgrace-
the petitions of the people into consideration, be deferred till that
ful vote [called to order by .the Treasury-bench.] He did not
day sennight ; and Mr. Burke,that the committee on the civil list
bill be deferred till Friday next. The House began to thin apace,
mean to say that it was scandalous or disgraceful in those who
particularly from the Opposition side ; when
opposed the vote of the Gth of April to oppose the address
moved by his learned friend; on the contrary, he thought
Mr. Fox rose. He said he had a few words to o14'er, which
they acted consistently, like men. Most .clearly those 215
he wished gentlemen who acted with him should hear before
gentlemen who declared their opinion that the influence of
they went away. He said, the call of the House, which stood
the crown was not increased, and ought not to be diminished,
for that day, and.Which Ire promised to have strictly enforced,
had pursued an open, direct, and consistent conduct .: they
would, he believed, be better postponed, as numbers had quit-
differed from him ; he was sorry for it ; but they differed from
ted the House, forgetting that their presence was necessary
him upon principle. They declared roundly and expressly
while their names were calling over. He had resolved, in his
what they thought upon the subject ; and they would- have
own mind, to move the order of the day should his learned
been guilty of the most shameful versatility had they abandoned
frienWs motion be negatived ; but as he understood that his
that principle which they had so recently avowed. But who
learned friend had moved to have the committee on the peti-
could contemplate, but with a, mixture of surprize .and indig-
tions deferred till Monday next, he thought it better to make
nation, the conduct of another set of men in that House, who
one further trial, as well out of respect to his learned friend
on the same night resolved that the influence of the crown was
and some other gentlemen who had taken an active part in the
increased, and ought to be diminished, and that the grievances
petitions, as to give those gentlemen who had separated from
and complaints of the people ought to bvedressed ; and who
their friends on the question just decided, an opportunity of
pledged themselves to that House, to theliation, to their tong
fully and unequivocally declaring their real sentiments; for he
stituents, to the people at large, and to themselves, that it was
could not believe that it was . possible for those who supported
their duty to redress_ the grievances complained of; but who
the resolutions of the 6th of April, no sufficient Cause nOf.
the, only two occasions that offe,red, shamefully fled from
QD,
270 moTioN AGAINST*DLSSOLVING PARLIAMENT. [April 24.
j,; SQ.] MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT.
274
that solemn engagement, by rejecting the means proposer
ground-work, but as to the propositions you would raise upon
It was shameftil, it was base, it was unmanly, it was trea-
it, we differ totally with you. We meant this, and not that ;
cherous. The gentlemen he alluded to surrounded him;
we will agree with you in such and such measures, but we
they sat on his side of the House; he was sorry for it.
must dissent from those you now offer." This, in his appre-
They were those who voted with him on the 6th of April,
hension, would have exculpated them from all blame; would
and who voted with the minister that night. No man held
have wiped away all suspicion. A difference of opinion might
those who were at the devotion of the minister in greater
arise, but it would be such a difference as was agreeable to
contempt than he did; they were slaves of the worst kind,
that liberty of assent and dissent which every man was entitled
because they sold themselves; yet, base as the tenure of
to, whose opinion could be deemed free. But, to agree to
their places was, they had one virtue to pride themselves
certain general propositions, and to refuse to propose any
on, that of fidelity, gratitude, and consistency; to all their
effective ones, or agree to those affixed, was a paradox, he
other demerits they had not added the absurdity and trea-
believed, in party and politic. It was taking in their friends.
chery of one day resolving an opinion to be true, and the
He was taken in, deluded, and imposed on. [A loud laugh
next of declaring it to be a falsehood. They had not taken
from the opposite benches.] fie acknowledged it; for, in
in their patron, or their friends, with false hopes, and delu-
his conscience, he thought the assistance of such men did
sive promises. Whatever their motives or sentiments might
more harm than good. It tended to lull the nation into a
be, they had adhered to them, and so far as that went their
dangerous security, to impose on the petitioners, and, in
conduct was entitled to his approbation. He could forgive
short, to spread through the nation every species of popular
the man he saw voting regularly with the minister, through
delusion.
thick and thin, upon every question; he could behold hint,
He thought it his duty, while on his legs, to declare, that
in his servile state, with pity, he could forgive him for cringing
the defection which heha'd alluded to, originated chiefly among
di
and bowing at the levee of the prince or the minis Ar, without
the county members, many of them of great weight and respect ;
exciting in his breast any other sentiment; but c the other
but however high they might stand in the estimation of their
hand, when he beheld the conduct of some men, affecting
friends in their counties, or in that House, he should ever
different principles, supporting a minister who had very fitirly,
judge of men by their conduct, and not by their professions.
he would acknowledge, opposed and denied that the influence
He doubted not but they had their reasons for voting contrary
of the crown was increased, and ought to be diminished, it
on one day to what they had resolved the preceding. The
filled him with horror. 'What breast but must be filled with
last vote, most probably, was agreeable to their real senti-
the warmest resentment and the keenest contempt to see those
ments ; the vote of the 6th of April was to answer ends
who pretended that the complaints of the people ought to .be
merely personal. We were on the eve of a general election ;
redressed, that the influence of the crown had increased ;
the gentlemen alluded to would soon go down to their consti-
who had pledged themselves that they would reduce one, .-and
tuents: the first and most natural question would be, " What
remove the cause of the other, vote in a majority with those
have you dope in consequence of our petitions ? Is the in-
who denied that either existed, •and that the petitions were
fluence of the crown diminished? What redress have you
only fabricated by faction, and ought not to be attended to
procured for us? Has a more econominal expenditure of the
He was at a loss for words by which he could give vent to
public money been determined upon and adopted? Have
what he felt on the occasion. Why had not those who voted
our burdens been lightened ? Are all useless - and sinecure
on the 6th of April in the majority,. explained themselves?
places abolished? And have you established a reform in the
If they approved of the general tendency of the resolutions,
expences of the king's household?" " No: but look at the
why had they not proposed some effective Measures? Why
resolutions Of the 6th of April; you will there find that I and
had not they described the fabric they meant to raise, or
my colleague have voted, that the influence of the crown has
which they wished to have erected on that basis ? Why did
increased and ought to be diminished; you will find it likewise
not they, when propositions were moved, which' they could
resolved, on the same day,by me and 232 other friends of their
not approve of, manfully stand forth in support of their own
country, that it was our duty to redress thekrievances stated
sentiments, and declare to those who united in opinion upon
in the petitions." He trusted, however, that such gross ter-
the general declarations contained in the resolutions, thefl
giversation would never pass without detection, nor fail to be
moved and carried;- ct We agree with y014. respecting . the
followed by-the indignant contempt with which it deserved to
271 MOTION AGAINST DISS.OLVING PARLIAMENT. "[April-24,
1780.] MOTION AGAINST DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT.
273
be treated.. He did not yet despair but the people would not
convinced, that the next parliament would give that redress
only continue to see their own interest, which they had already
to the complaints of the people which every good and inde-
done, but that they would besides know how to -distinguish
pendent man wished for, and which it would not be in the
between their open friends and fbes, and learn to discover
power of the influence of the crown to defeat or prevent.
their worst of enemies,—their concealed ones. From their
Lord North extended the protection of his eloquence to those
open ones they had nothing to fear or hope : by their secret
who had drawn on themselves this severe attack. He said, Mr.
and determined enemies . they might be deceived ; they had
Fox's language was such as no provocation could justify ; it was
been often betrayed by them ; but he hoped they would not
indecent and improper ; an invective, and not a parliamentary
be able to do it now, by votes which meant nothing if not
speech. He bantered the leader of Opposition with considerable
followed up by efficient measures, and worse than nothing,
humour and effect, on his irritability at finding himself in a mino-
when thus shamefully abandoned almost in the very instant in
rity again, after having, for a short moment of his life, been in a
which they were given.
•
majority, and contrasted it with his own philosophical calmness,
For his part, 'he was determined, after Monday next, to
when he stood in so unexpected and novel a situation. He did
not think himself justified in rising in the anguish of defeat and
absent himself from that House. He would make one trial,
disappointment, and accusingothose who had frequently voted
one effort more, in expectation that those who had deserted
with him, of baseness, treachery, versatility, and other improper
their principles would endeavour to retrieve their public cha-
motives, and he advised Mr. Fox not to be, for the future, so
racter. If that last effort should miscarry, he should then
rash and hasty,
know what to do ; he would exert himself without these wails,
as he had continued to do within them, as long as he ex-
Mr. Fox rose to explain what he meant by the words base,
pected that any benefit could be derived from it. He pm-
scandalous, and disgraceful, as applying to the vote given by
sumed his learned friend would propose some measure which i,
those on the 6th of April who divided against the motion made
would come in the form of an ultimate test; for his part, he
that . night by his learned friend. He said, when he made
should propose none himself, though he would support any
use of those epithets, he applied them in this, and in this way
which might be proposed, to the best of his abilities. If this
only. He did not mean to say that they bad acted disgrace-
last trial should meet with a similar flute to that of his learned
fully, shamefully, &c. that night ; he meant to convey this
friend's motion that night, he would quit thaHouse, and
idea, that the gentlemen who voted on the 6th of April, that
IN
leave ministers responsible for the consequent s. [A great
the influence of the crown had increased, and ought to be
cry of hear ! hear !] He was persuaded that the gentlemen
diminished, and that it was the duty of that House to redress
who cried out so vociferously in the exultation of victory,
the grievances complained of in the petitions, were bound and
hear ! hear ! would be very glad of it ; but he begged leave to
stood publicly pledged to perform one or the other of these
assure those gentlemen, that not one of them wished more
two things ; to support such measures as might be suggested
sincerely for such an emancipation from a fruitless attendance
in consequence of those resolutions; or if they appeared to be
there than lie did. If those gentlemen, however, imagined
such as they could not conscientiously vote in support of,
that his future conduct would be directed to measures pro- *
that then they were bound to propose some other resolutions
motive of public confusion, they were very much mistaken ;
or measures, conformably to the ideas they entertained when
the people had resources still left; they were furnished by the
they gave the vote of the 6th of April. If they refused to do
constitution. A general election was approaching, and then
that, or neglected in time to do it, so as that the measure pro-
the people, by the choice they might make, would have it in
posed might at the late period of the session have a fair pros-
their power to obtain that redress, by sending only such
pect of passing into a law before any prorogation or dissolution
representatives to parliament as entertained sentiments cone
of parliament should take place ; in such a possible event lie
genial to their own. There would be no occasion for armed
was prepared to re-assert and repeat, that a conduct of that
committees or warlike associations. The constitution was not
kind amounted to an abandonment of their declared principles,
so imperfect as to compel men to take arms in support and
of their solemn promises plighted in that House to their con-
defence of their rights; the means which a general election
stituents and the people at large ; and in trla light were
gave them were strictly consonant to peace and good order;
scandalous, base, treacherous, shameful, and disgraceful.
and if those means were resorted to, and judiciously and
firmly exerted, he did not despair; nay, he was perfectly
VOL. I.
2
74
BILL FOR SHORTENING
[May 8.
1THE DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS.
275
7 80.]
the constitution, to change the religion of the country, and to
BILL FOR SHORTENING THE DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS.
bury the liberties of the people under the fabric of arbitrary
power, which it had been their constant wish to introduce and
May 8.
to erect. George the First was a prince beloved by both
Houses of parliament, and looked up to as their guardian and
X fi, R. ALDERMAN SAWBRIDGE moved for leave to bring
1'1'1 in a bill for shortening the duration of parliaments. Earl
protector ; it was very natural, under these circumstances,
Nugent opposed the motion, and asked if they were prepared just
to take every precaution to keep out a third person, a pre-
then to take away from the crown the right of appointing sheriffs
tender to the throne, and to maintain the House of Bruns-
for the counties ? And if they were not, the power of the crown,
wick in possession of it. With this view it was, that the three
he said, would be considerably increased, if parliaments were
branches of the legislature had agreed to take such measures
either annual or triennial. He had converse4 with Mr. Speaker
as were most likely to exclude the pretender. And what
Onslow on the subject of triennial parliaments some years ago,
measure could promise to be more effectual than the passing
and that great man had told him the proposition was an absurd at-
Thereby keeping together that Par-
one ; because it' it were adopted, the first year would be taken up
of the Septennial Bill ?
6
wholly in hearing petitions on elections; in the second year the
liament who were so well disposed towards George the First,
House would be able to do business; and in the third, the members
and who doubtless had no idea that a day could ever come
would principally be engaged with soliciting votes, and making
when the liberties of the people would be in danger from the
interest against the next election. Annual parliaments he objected
House of Brunswick; who5lever could suppose that the in-.
to, as totally impracticable in the present state of public affairs.
fluence of the crown would be SO, increased in the reign of a
Mr. Thomas Pitt said he was fully convinced, that, so far from
prince of that House, that it should be voted by the House
diminishing the influence of the crown, annual or triennial parlia-
of Commons, that it had increased, was increasing, and ought
ments would considerably increase it. The influence of the crown
to be diminished. They had therefore acted wisely, and he
was not confined within those walls ; if it were, we should be a
had ever admired and revered such men. It was from this
great and happy people. It was the influence of the crown with-
out doors that was so alarming. The increased public revenue
admiration and this reverence, that he had uniformly voted
was the great source of influence. Had gentlemen forgot how
against shortening the duration of parliament. But what was
many great families even now were ruined by_their endeavours to
the case now ? The people of England, in whom the sole
get into that House, and had spent their whole fortunes in election
right of the duration of parliament lay, called upon that House
contests ? Was it to be learnt how hard would be the case of
to shorten it. The people of England made this requisition—
every honest, independent country gentleman, if tie minister 'WAS
a requisition which they alone could make, and which, like
to have the power of starting a court candida against him
a
every other requisition that came from the same quarter, he
every year, or every three years ? What fortune Could bear tha
expence ?
should ever hold himself bound to comply with, and to obey.
He then answered Lord Nugent's question about the she-
riff's,, and said, undoubtedly if the bill now moved for should
Mr. Fox said he should be under the necessity of speaking
be passed, an act must necessarily pass to make that altera-
more fully to the present question than he otherwise would
tion. He also turned off the objection urged by Mr. Pitt,
do, because, as he had for years voted uniformly against the
relative to the frequency of elections, and the enormous ex-
question, and as he meant now to vote for it, it was due to the
pellee which would unavoidably follow to private families,
House, and due to his own character, that he should state
and honest and independent men, if parliaments were chosen
the reasons of this difference of conduct. He said, he re-
either annually or triennially; skewing, that even now par-
vered those wise and great men who brought in the Septennial
liaments had no-certain time of duration, for that it was in
Bill; because the principle on which they acted, in promoting
the power of government to put an end to them, whenever it
that measure, was every way laudable, and every way justi-
should be most for the purpose of government so to do ; and
fiable. At the time of the passing of this bill, the House of
that consequently government might harass individuals at
Brunswick had been just called to the throne, by the una-
present, as much as they could do then. One of the argu-
nimous voice of the people, in defence of their liberties, and
in
ments upon which Mr. Fox principally rested was, that an-
order to protect them from the alarming attempts of a
nual parliaments would lessen the influence of the d4own,
pretender, whose family was deservedly become odious ,for
declaring, that if any of his constituents were to ask him what
their tyranny, and by their repeated endeavours to subvert
T 2 e
276 BILL FOR THE • RELIF.F OF ROMAN CATHOLICS. [June
1780.] BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF ROMAN CATHOLICS.
277
„our present misfortunes were ascribeable to ? he should say,
penalties and disabilities, imposed on them by an act made in
the first cause was the influence of the crown, the second, the
the mith and Lath years of the reign of King William the 3d,
influence of the crown, and .the third, the influence of the
intituled, An Act for the further preventing the growth of popery,"
crown ; to that, and that:.only, in his mind,. could it be owing,
had been misrepresented and misunderstood. a. That the said
that au unpopular and unsuccessful ministry, whose i
Ref, passed in the 13th year of the reign of his present majesty,
n easm.es
does not repeal or alter, or in any manner invalidate or render
had ruined their country, kept their offices. He ridiculed
ineffectual, the several statutes made to prohibit the exercise of
Mr. Onslow's opinion as stated by Lord Nugent, and said,
the popish religion, previous to the statute of the I fth and math
that the noble lord's whole speech was a sample of that con-
years of King William the 3d. 3. That no ecclesiastical or spi-
. temptuous conduct, which ministry assumed whenever they
ritual jurisdiction or authority is given, by the said act of the
thought themselves secure; their way constantly was to be
18th year of the reign of his present majesty, to the Pope or the
afraid, when they first heard of any thing that looked like
See of Rome. 4. That this House does, and ever will, watch
danger approaching them, and as soon as they began to think
over the interests of the protestant religion with the most un-
remitted attention ; and that all attempts to seduce the youth of
themselves safe, to turn the object of their former terror into
this kingdom from the established church to popery, are highly
derision. So it was with the petitions of the people ; at first
criminal according to the laws in force, and are a proper subject
nothing could be more humble than the language of ministers
,
of further regulation. S. That all endeavours to disquiet the
respecting them ; they had promised every thing ; but now
minds of the people, by misrepresenting the said act of the 18th
having again their majority, they affected to laugh at, and
year of the reign of his present majesty. as inconsistent with the
to deride that, which they had most seriously dreaded.
safety, or irreconcileable to the principles of the protestant reli-
gion, have a manifest tendency to disturb the public peace, to
The motion was also supported by Colonel Barre and Mr. Tho-
break the union necessary at this time, to bring dishonour on the
mas Townshend. Lord North, Mr. Rigby, and Mr. Burke spoke
national character, to discredit the protestant religion in time eyes
againstit. After which the douse divided;
of other nations, and to furnish occasion for the renewal of the
Tellers.
persecution of our protestant brethren in other countries." There
Tellers.
Mr. Sawbridge
YEAS
was rather much discourse than debate upon the subject, very
Sir Ralph Payne 1 s2.
Mr.Byng
9°'
little having been said on the part of the petitions. The question
t Mr. Robinson S
So it passed in the negative.
was, however, solemnl y, and very largely spoken to, and with the
greatest eloquence. The chief speakers were Lord North, Lord.
Beauchamp, Sir George Savile, Mr. Wilkes, Mr. Burke, and Mr.
Fox. These two latter spoke for three hours each. For the first
lo•
n•n•nn•,,,........./em•vent,resssiweva
time they all spoke on the same side ; and supported the doctrine
of toleration, on grounds much larger than those on which the bill
complained of stood. - In the course of the debate,
REPEAL OF THE BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF ROMAN CATHOLICS.
Mr. Fox said, that his objection to the House of Stuart,.
June 20.
had he lived at the period of the revolution, would have been,
not because that House had embraced popery, but because
THE House resolved itself into a committee of the whole House•,
popery had embraced the House of Stuart ; that the latter was
to take into consideration the numerous petitions against the
supported in its attempts on the liberties of the nation, by po-
act of the 18th of his present majesty, intituled, " An Act for
pery in general. But now there were no such dangers to be
relieving his majesty's subjects professing the popish religion, from
certain penalties and disabilities, imposed on them by an act
apprehended; the pretender was out of the question ; besides,
made in the I Ith and 12th of the reign of Williamthe 3d, intituled,
every papist was obliged to abjure the pope in ternporals, be-
An Act for the further preventing the growth of popery." In
fore
he could avail himself of indulgencies. He could not
order to quiet the minds, and to remove the apprehensions, of
think the-vopish religion incompatible -with government, nor
such well-meaning but ill-informed persons, as might be among
civil liberty; because, in looking round the world, he saw
the petitioners, the- following resolutions were moved by Lord
that in Switzerland, where democracy reigned universally in
Beauchamp; " That it is the opinion of this committee, that
the fullest manner, it flourished most in cantons professing
the effect and operation of the act passed in the z8th year of the
that religion. He was a friend to universal toleration, and
reign of his present majesty, intituled, " An Act for relieving his
an enemy to thAt narrow way of thinking, that made men come
majesty's subjects professing the popish religion, from certain
T 3
278
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov. I .
ADDRESS 03 THE RING'S SPEECH.
279
1780.]
to parliament, not for the removal of some great grievances
rebellion in my colonies in North America, and, without the least
which they themselves felt, but to desire parliament to shackle
complaint,, to attack my dominions ; and
provocation or cause of
and fetter their fellow subjects. He wished to know the
the undisguised object of this confederacy manifestly is to gratify
number and sort of names affixed to the petitions which de-
boundless ambition, by destroying the commerce, and giving a
fatal blow to the power of Great Britain.—By the force which the
sired persecution, and called upon the House fbr an exercise
last Parliament put. into my hands, and by the blessing of Divine
of its judgment merely, instead of desiring grievances of their
Providence on the bravery of my fleets and armies, I have been
own to be removed. He wished to know who the petitioners
enabled to withstand the formidable attempts of my enemies, and
were. He observed that many signed their marks; and
to frustrate the great expectations they had formed ; and the signal
prho-
saw that men who could neither read nor write, found their
successes which have attended the progress of my arms in theto t
blood fired that a Roman Catholic should read and write !
vinces of Georgia and Carolina, gained with so much honour e
He confessed he had no predilection for the signatures of the
conduct and courage of my officers, and to the valour and intrepi-
qualled their highest character in
clergy ; for he was convinced, that if at the period of the re-
dity of my troops, which have e
any age, will, I trust, have important consequences in bringing
formation their opinions could have decided, we should have
the war to a happy conclusion. It is my most earnest desire to
had no reformation ! It was not likely that men whose inte-
rests in general were against the reform, should have been
see this great end accomplishe d ; but I am confident you will agree
with me in opinion, that we can only secure safe and honourable
eager to obtain it. He went through a variety .of reasons in
terms of peace by such powerful and respectable preparations,
favour of general toleration, and declared himself against the
shall convince our enemies, that we will not submit to receive the
repeal of the bill, and against every thing that had the least
law from any powers whatsoever, and that we are united in a firm
tendency to bridle and restrain liberty of conscience.
resolution to decline no difficulty, or hazard, in the defence of our
country, and for the preservation of our essential interests.
The resolutions were agreed to by the committee, and Sir
" Gentlemen of the House of Commons ; I have ordered the
George Savile was instructed to move the House, for leave to
estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. I see and
bring in a bill for affording security to the protestant religion from
feel, with great anxiety and concern, that the various services of
any encroachments of popery, by more effectually restraining pa-
the war must, unavoidably, be attended with great and heavy ex-
pists, or persons professing the popish religion, from teaching, or
pellees ; but I desire you to grant me such supplies only, as your
taking upon themselves the education or government of the chil-
own security and lasting welfare, and the exigency of affairs, shall
dren of protestants. The bill passed the Commons, but was
be found to require.
thrown out by the Lords as unnecessary.
" My Lords, and Gentlemen ; I repose an entire confidence in
the zeal and affections of this Parliament, conscious that, during
the whole course of my reign, it has been the constant object of my
care, and the wish of my heart, to promote the true interests and
happiness of all my subjects, and to preserve inviolate our excellent
constitution in church and state."
MR. THOMAS GRENVILLE'S AMEND3IENT TO THE ADDRESS
An Address, adding the usual reassertion of all the propositions
ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OP THE
contained in the above speech, and such compliments as the events
SESSION.
of the day suggested, was moved for by Mr. De Grey, and se-
conded by Sir Richard Sutton. An amendment was moved by
November I.
Mr. Thomas Grenville, and seconded by Colonel Richard Fitzpa-
trick, proposing to leave out the whole address, excepting the
THE King opened the New Parliament with the following
complimentary part, and to substitute in the place of the subse-
Speech to both Houses:
quent clauses these words, " That in this arduous conjuncture we
" My Lords and Gentlemen ; It is with More than ordinary sa-
are determined to unite our efforts for the defence of this our
we will de-
tisfaction that I meet you in Parliament, at a time, when the late
country ; and we beg leave to assure your majesty, that
elections may afford me an opportunity of receiving the most cer-
cline no difficulty or hazard in preserving the essential interests of
tain information of the disposition and the wishes of my people, to
this kingdom." The amendment was opposed by Mr. Pulteney, Sir
which I am always inclined to pay the utmost attention and regard.
Horace Mann, Mr. Welbore Ellis, and Lord George Germain ;
—The present arduous situation of public affitirs is well known ;
and supported by Mr. Thomas Townshend, Mr. Fox, Admiral
the whole force and faculties of the monarchies of Fr • ice and
Keppel, General Smith, and Alderman Newnham. The friends
Spain are drawn forth, and exerted to the utmost to support the
of administration inferred topics of consolation from the heteroge-
T 4
280 ADDRESS ON THE KINGS SPEECH. [Nov. r.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
281
780.3
1
neous combination of France and Spain with America; the
sufficient cause to fear that ministers meant to plunge this
bility of cordiality
im
in
possi-
such an union, or of happy results to a
country deeper in ruin, than they had already sunk it, by a
cause, supposed to be that of liberty and the protestant religion,
continuance of that mad war.
when protected only by bigoted catholics, and powers from
With regard to the King's speech, which for the sake of
whose vocabulary the word ''freedom was expunged. It was re-
freedom of debate, was properly termed the speech of the
presented as a great advantage that England was without allies
minister, was there in it one gleam of comfort, one hope, or
since no league against a power compact within itself, and combin
ing its energies by
the least prospect of better conduct in the King's servants ?-
unanimity of council, had ever yet been crown
ed with success. The contest with America was represented a
Did it not begin with assuring parliament, that his majesty
more prosperous than at any previous period since the convention
wished to know the sense of his people, and in the same para-
of Saratoga. General Smith denied the assertion : the circurn
graph,- did it not contain the greatest mockery and insult
stances of the country, he said, were infinitely worse ; and, since
upon the people, by telling them that his majesty hoped to
the affair of Trenton, every military man had clearly discerned,
receive the information he wished for through the medium of
that all attempts to subdue America were fruitless prodigalities of
blood and treasure.
the late elections ? Were those elections free? Was the disso-
lution previously announced, the time of it properly chosen?
Mr. Fox rose just as the question was about to be put;
He hoped to God this circumstance would become the subject
and, in a speech of considerable length, went over the whole
of an enquiry in that House, and that ir might be known
ground of complaint which had been urged by Opposition
which of the Kings servants it was, who had dared to advise
against the Kings servants, as well respecting the conduct of
his majesty to dissolve 'his parliament just when the dissolution
the American war, as with regard to a great variety of other
took place : a time when most gentlemen were taken by sur-
topics.
prize. To him, indeed, it had no such effect: he had long
He began with observing, that the amendment moved and
accustomed himself to watch the measures of administration,
seconded
began his two honourable friends, had been very ably
he knew the ministers thoroughly, he understood their de-
supported by them ; and that no answer whatever, at least
signs, and he was aware, that if one moment was less pro-
nothing like an argument, had been advanced against it. The
pitious to the people, and to the freedom of election, than
best thing that had been attempted to be urged in support of
another, that was the moment most likely to be chosen by
the address, was what had fallen from the right honourable
them for the dissolution of parliament. He had, therefore,
gentleman over the way (Mr. Welbore Ellis), namely, that it
expected it even before it happened, and he should not have
was something like the amendment. That, however, certainly
wondered, if it had taken place in the midst of the harvest.
was not a sufficient reason to induce the House to prefe\\\\Ahe
As it was, it took place when the majority of that House,
address to the amendment, if they meant to convince the peo-
especially of those who had uniformly opposed and reprobated
ple at large that they were governed by reason -and fair argu-
the mad and destructive measures of ministers, were in camp,
ment, and not by private motives, and that undue influence,
and at a considerable distance from the places they repre-
which the last parliament, almost in its last moments, had
sented; so that instead of consulting the wishes of the people,
declared "had increased, was increasing, and ought to
instead of rendering it as little injurious to the internal peace
be
diminished." The address, he said, it was true, did not
and quiet of the kingdom as possible, .ministers had taken
directly pledge the House to go on with the American war,
pains to render the dissolution of parliament as calamitous an
but considered altogether, it amounted pretty nearly to that
event as could have happened.
idea. Ministers had thought proper to word it differently
As to the beginning of the address, he said, he had no ob-
from the address agreed to by the other House on the ist
jection to congratulate his majesty on the increase of his
instant. The lords in their address, had expressly declared
domestic happiness. Long might his domestic enjoyments
their readiness to go on with the war. Ministers had shewn
continue to increase ! They were the only enjoyments his
so much deference to that House, that they had not in the
majesty possessed. Unfortunate in every other respect, un-
address which had been then read, pledged the House
fortunate abroad, and unfortunate in the conduct of civil of airs
directly; but then gentlemen would observe, that in a subse-
at home, he was happy in domestic life ; and on this happi-
quent paragraph, the matter was brought in ; and upon the
ness in his family, he would congratulate his majesty sincerely..
whole, there was sufficient cause for suspicion and distrust,
But at the present moment of embarrassment and distress,
when the brightest jewel was torn from his diadem, when
282
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
[Nov.
1780.]
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH,
283
America was dissevered from the British empire, never to be
ones. Such was our sanguine expectation, when in the be-
re-united; when discord and dissention raged among these
dinning of the war the British troops defeated the Ameri-
parts of the empire which yet remained, but which seemed
cans on Long Island. The success of Brandywine was to
prepared for revolt, to approach the throne with gratalatory
be followed by the immediate reduction of the provinces,
addresses, was not loyalty, but cruel mockery and insult. But
and not a rebel was to be seen in all the continent of North
what said the honourable gentlemen over the way? "Will
AnT
telie
you refuse to acknowledge, with gratitude, the blessings we
jcat.
e-
akin of Ticonderoga was a splendid affair; and
enjoy under his majesty's government ?" How long, replied
that, too, was to be followed by the most important conse-
Mr. Fox, shall the sacred shield of majesty be interposed for
quences. The event perpetually belied our sanguine pre-
the protection of a weak administration ? '
dictions, yet now, with all our experience, we talked of fol-
This word majesty
was a kind of hocus pocus word, which was turned into all
lowing up with alacrity, our late victory in Carolina. That
shapes, and made subservient to ever y
victory was a glorious one, he readily allowed, to the general
legerdemain trick,
and every illusion which convenience dictated. If by the
officer, and all the officers and British troops who gained it;
" blessing of his majesty's government" were understood his
but the glory of that victory was due to the army only, and
majesty's virtues, he was ready to acknowledge his majesty's
the disgrace of reducing Lord Cornwallis to that dangerous
personal virtues with respect and with reverence. But if by
situation which made his victory a miracle,Joias the minister's.
the blessings of his government he was to understand the acts
The only fruit of the reduction of Charles Town, was the
and projects of his majesty's ministers, he detested and repro-
dangerous situation that led necessarily to the engagement.
bated them. The present reign had been one continued
The success of that engagement was owing to the army.
series of disgrace, misfortune, and calamity. What blessings
That affair seemed farther alarming to him in another point
were we called upon to recognize in the address? First, the
of view. It was a proof that the majority of the Americans
happy effectof this new parliament, in giving his majesty an
were not, as had been said, friendly to this country; but, on
opportunity of knowing the sentiments of his people. As an
the contrary, that they were almost unanimously attached to
honourable friend of his had asked, was there no trick, no:
the cause of Congress. For no sooner did General Gates ap-
deceit used in order to garble a new parliament ? In words,
pear among the Carolinians, than those very men flocked to
ministers disclaimed the abridgement of the duration of sep-
his standard, who had taken the oaths to our government,
tennial parliaments; in actions they approved it. He did not
carrying along with them, the arms that had been put into
expect ever to see a septennial parliament die a natural death.
their hands by our general, which reduced Lord Corn-wallis
Six years ago he had the honour to sit in that House, when
to the cruel necessity of putting them to death, and rendered
the subject of debate was precisely the same that it
that a necessary measure, which all who knew Lord Corn-
waYthat 4
night, namely, the justice and expediency of prosecuting the t,
wallis, knew must have given him infinite pain. Hence he
American war; and he made no doubt, but that if he should
argued, that every gleam of success had been the certain fore-
have the honour to sit in the next parliament six years hence,
runner of misfortune. The loss of the whole army followed
at the opening of it, the same subject would he under discus-
the capture of Ticonderoga; the evacuation of Philadelphia
sion. It would have been presumption in him to have made
followed other success; and no sooner did we hear of the
such a prediction six years ago, and nobody would have cre-
surrender of Charles Town to his majesty's arms, .than we
dited him. Past experience now made it no longer so, and
prepared to receive intelligence of some new disaster ; and a
therefore he scrupled not to prophesy, that if the war was
very short time afterwards, news arrived of the loss of Rhode
jcontinued, its propriety and its expediency would be the sub-
Island, which he was warranted to say was the only good
ect of discussion on the first opening of the next parliament.
winter harbour in all America.
What had we gained by the American war in that period ?
Not that he meant to contend, that no advantage was to
We had exchanged Boston for New-York, and Philadel-
be derived from the late success obtained by the wonderful
phia, the capital of Virginia, for Charles Town, the capital
good conduct and gallantry of Lord Cornwallis. Great ad-
of South Carolina. Oh. ! but we-had gained of late a most
vantages might be derived from it; it might be made the
signal victory at Camden. Generals Gates and Sumpter had
foundation of an honourable and happy peace.. Let, minis-
been routed by Lord Cornwallis and Colonel Tarleton.
ters but seize and improve the advantage, and they would
These victories were but omens and forerunners of greater
deserve the thanks and applause of their country. But had
to
2$4
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
285
[Not
7 80-3
they given us any hopes of it? On the contrary, did not trio
as his honourable friend on the floor had very properly and ,
address now moved for, prove to the conviction of this House,
truly stated. The grand alliance, in the reign of Louis the
that they meant to pursue the war ; they dared not give it up ;
Fourteenth of France, had not indeed been so successful, on
the unpopularity of it was their security ; that, and that only,
account, he would say, of the impolicy of England, as might
kept them in their places. An honourable friend of his, who
have been expected ; but it gave a check, a wound, to the
moved the amendment, had said, we had fbught bravely,
growing power of France ; a blow from which nothing but
we had exerted our vigour, but still our exertions had pro-
the wretched conduct of such a ministry as ours could have
duced no essential advantage. Other gentlemen had praised
recovered it. It was common danger and distress that chiefly
the efforts which this country had made in the course of the
endeared nations, as well as individuals, to one another; and
war, and had argued well from that circumstance, declaring that
this tie, for the present, united the French and Americans
we had astonished. all Europe by our exertions. It was most
in the closest friendship. But if we held out to the Ame-
true. The war was begun madly, the ministers had made
ricans something that might be a separate interest, and that
war blindfold, and the efforts of this country, so directed, and
might be a security to them, by removing the common danger,
so planned, like the efforts of a madman, which were always
we should dissolve the friendship, and have a chance of treat-
more powerful than those of a reasonable being, had asto-
ing with her.
nished all Europe. But what good had they done? They
The honourable baronet who seconded the address, had
had only weakened and reduced our resources. They had
talked of the good faith of America being plighted to France,
exhausted the spirits of the people, and had almost mini-'
and had argued that her obligations to.her ally would render
hilated the power of future exertion. An honourable gen-
her unwilling to treat separately, and that therefore there
tleman had said, that it was improper to term the war unjust,
were no hopes, but from a vigorous war carried on against
excepting only within those walls : he must beg leave to differ
her as well as against the House of Bourbon. Now, had he
with him in opinion. He thought the war unjust, he had said
held this language himself, and dwelt so much on the good
so repeatedly in that House, he had said so elsewhere, and he
faith of America, it would have been in all the papers to-
would say so whenever and wherever he had the
morrow or the next day, that he was a friend to American
opportunity.
He would say so to the whole world, if his voice had power
rebellion, and to the enemies of this country ! But, without
and extent enough to communicate the idea. But according
ascribing to the Americans any extraordinary degree of gra-
to the argument of the honourable gentleman to whom he was
titude or perfidy, and considering them merely as men, whose
alluding, what was unjust in its origin became just in its
conduct would, like that of other mortals, naturally be go-
advancement and prosecution. The honourable gentleman
verned by a mixture of both reason and passion, he thought
thought now he had got justice on his side, that he h got
they might be detached from the cause of the House of Bour-
all. Did the honourable gentleman think that the AniciRans, Apo
bon, by omitting to pursue offensive hostililies against them.
once driven by our injustice to assert their independency,
What would be the consequence of withdrawing the troops
ought, in justice, to relinquish that i
from America? American independence, undoubtedly. This
ndependency, and to
alter their established government, and rely on our word for
would be the means of obtaining peace. If the American
the performance of our promises ?
war could be given up without her being independent —let
With regard to the argument of another honourable gen-
ministers do it; but they could not. They were therefore
tleman (Sir Horace Mann) that, without an ally Great Bri-
wasting the blood and treasure of this country, without an
tain had an advantage over a confederacy; if that doctrine
object.
were true, Great Britain was the most flourishing nation in
He repeated the argument, that ministry had perverted
the world. The reasoning of his honourable friend, from
nature, and by their singular ill-conduct of the war, had given
whom he was sorry to differ in opinion on
France all the advantages of an island, and had reduced
the present point,
from the League of Cambray, was certainly far from being
Great Britain to the inconveniences of a continent. We
conclusive. FOr Venice had been left in the circumscribed
were, he said, at a hundred times more expellee in our
situation, to which nature had limited her, according to his
American operations, than they were; and we might carry
'own words, and such would be the fate of Great Britain ;
on the war with greater success, by calling all our forces from
situation to which it was the express object of the powerful'
America, and pouring them into the French settlements.
confederacy of France, Spain, .and America, .to reduce her,'.
it was said in the last war, that France was conquered
AS
286
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH.
2 87
[NO. T.
0-80°3
Germany,
ermany, so, if- F
ever America was to be co
conquered in
nquered, it
rance.
be must
towns
the kingdom, giving them power to act at discre-
without waiting for the authority of the civil magis-
w
Gentlemen, he observed, had used a great many hard word
s, and this as well in towns where quiet was perfectly
s
ttEntls
e"
respecting France. He saw no great harm in it, though i t
restored and tumult had subsided, as in towns where there ha-d-
could not answer any very good purpose. It served, bw-
ever, to bring an
not been the smallest proneness to tumult. And these orders
ld saying to his mind; and olv
had not been withdrawn, till almost every election was over.
ine old
d
such
ouslad
g
yinotz
sometimes
truths that
y
the
This was an alarming violence to the,constitution, and called
casionally obtrude themselves on men's minds. The old say-
ing he alluded to, was this : 44 Let us not rail at Alexander
but let us beat him." That was exactly his feeling ww:.
ibrHeieigul
also severely
severely arraigned ministers for the insult they had
put upon the navy, in appointing a -Irian to a most honour-
regard to the House of Bourbon. He was for beating France
able and lucrative post, who stood convicted of having pro-
rather than for railing at her; and, as he thought the best
duced a false and malicious charge against his superior officer.
way to do that effectually, would_ be to pursue the war with
There could, he said, be only one of the King's servants, so
America no longer, he was for turning the arms of this
abandoned, and so lost to all sensibility and honour, as to
country solely against the House of Bourbon.
have dared to advise any such measure as the giving the
The honourable gentleman who moved the address, had
governorship of Greenwich Hospital to that object of univer-
bestowed a particular commendation on a long list of officers;
sal detestation, Sir Hugh Palliser; a man who was himself so
Quern virum aut heron lyra vel acri
conscious of his own unworthiness, that he had resigned all
Tibia sumes celebrare ? —
his employments, and by retiring from the sight of mankind,
seemed as it were to have courted oblivion. 'Were had never,
above all, he had praised • the valour and conduct of Earl
he believed, been a precedent of a Vice-Admiral having
Cornwallis, who, he was ready to own, deserved the highest
Greenwich Hospital. The cause • of its being given to Sir
applause. But a right honourable gentleman had asked,
Hugh Palliser he did not doubt, was not his conduct on board
would gentlemen refuse to thank Lord Cornwallis, and his
the Formidable, but his subsequent behaviour, his conduct
officers, for their extraordinary gallantry at Camden ? In
against Admiral Keppel, his attempts to ruin the reputation
answer to that question, he for one, made no scruple to
of that gallant officer; and he felt the less wonder at this,
declare, that he most certainly would. He would not thank
because it was the characteristic of the present reign to run
his own brother, who was now serving in America, for any
down, vilify, and defame, great and popular men, and to set
success he might obtain. As long as he lived, •
up, support, countenance and reward the infamous. The
join
he never would
in a vote of thanks to any officer, whose laurels vere
late promotion of Sir Hugh Palliser, was on a par with the
gathered in the American war; and his reason was that
promotion of a man, (Lord George Germain,) to one of the
he hated and detested the war, he regarded it as the fountain-
highest civil employments in the state, who had been pub-
head of all the mischief and all the calamities which this
licly degraded last war, and declared incapable of serving
miserable country laboured under at this moment.
again in any military capacity, at the head of every regiment
He took occasion, in the course of his speech, to advert
in the army.
to many topics not immediately connected with the address.
He alluded to what Lord Loughborough had said in his
He reprobated ministry for the ill use they bad made of the
charge to the jury at St. Margaret's Hill, in last June, re-
army last summer. The military was, he said, a force at
lative to the statute passed in the 13th year of Charles the 2d,
all times inimical to liberty, and therefore it behoved every
c. 5. enacting, " That no petition to the King, or either
Englishman ,to watch the army with a jealous eye. A
House of Parliament, for alteration of matters established by
few
months since it was not safe for him, or any man in that
law, in church or state, (unless the matter thereof be approved
House, to speak their sentiments; but now the storm was
by three justices, or the grand jury of the county,) shall be
over, it was their duty to speak out. The army were, it
signed by more than twenty names, or delivered by more
was
true, called in upon pressing necessity, and used to great
than ten persons;" and said, that the doctrine shewed very
advantage in the metropolis, and so far the matter was lau-
dable; what he alluded to as reprehensible, was, the King's
servants having dared to send orders to officers in all the
t See Howell's State Trials, vol.2,in p.458.
28 8
WESTMINSTER CO3f MITTEE OF ASSOCIATION. [Nov. 13
780.] WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION.
289
plainly what system prevailed, and what were the wishes of
executed the trust thus reposed in him by his constituents. On
administration, if those wishes were not resisted and pre-
the commencement of the session, his animadversion on the ten-
vented in time.
dency and intention of the address proposed in answer to the King's
He also alluded to Mr. Dunning's quondam character of
speech, was powerful and convincing beyond their most sanguine
the persons who governed this country, under the legal de-
expectations. Some mode of testifying their satisfaction, with a
scription of he, she, or they, and rung the changes for some
conduct so spirited and meritorious, they thought it now especially
became the friends of liberty and the constitution to adopt. And
time very laughably at the expence of adthinistration, on
the committee of association, embracing the opportunity of Mr.
those words, and their conduct, characterizing the first, un-
Fox's absence, adopted the following Resolutions in his favour,
der the words, he, she, or they, and the second under the
which were immediately published in the newspapers :
words him, her, or them.
At length, after touching on a great variety of topics, he re-
' " Westminster Committee of Association, King's-Arms
Tavern, Palace-yard, November io, 780.
curred to the famous vote of the late parliament, relative to
the influence of the crown, and said it was the last dying
" Resolved, That the thanks of this committee be given to the
Honourable Charles James Fox, for his conduct in the House of
speech of that corrupt assembly—the death-bed confession
Commons on Monday last., on which day, with a firmness becoming
of that wicked sinner; and it reminded him of the death-bed
the representative of a free people, he exposed the pernicious prin-
confession of other abandoned profligates, who after having
ciples and destructive measures of an abandoned administration,
heaped guilt upon guilt, just before they parted with the last
and afforded the fullest evidence, to his constituents, that neither
breath, sent for a priest, and made confession of their manifold
the temptations of men in power, nor apprehensions of their treat-
sins and transgressions, saying "although our gang stood so
ment, could cause him to deviate Am that line of parliamentary
firm together, and all agreed in stiffly denying the many atro-
conduct which he had hitherto pursued with so much honour, or
cious facts we committed, particularly our greatest crime, and
induce him to desert the cause of the people.
most mischievous offence, it is very true we were guilty, and
" Resolved, As it is reasonable and just, that public approbation
and support should be afforded to those men who defend the public
we hope our fate will prove a warning to those we leave be-
cause, that Mr. Fox, by his conduct on that day, bath farther en-
hind us, and induce them to lead better lives, and not by fol-
deared himself to his constituents, and, in the strongest manner,
lowing the same bad courses which we have pursued, come to
interested the inhabitants of this city and liberties in his welfare.
the same premature and Miserable end."
" Resolved, That this committee, being sensible that the firm,
constant, and intrepid performance of his duty, will probably ren-
The question being put, that the words proposed to be left out
der 'him, in common with other distinguished friends of liberty,
stand part of the question, the House divided :
the object of such attacks as he has already experienced, and to
Tellers.
Tellers.
which every unprincipled partizan of power is invited by the cer-
Mr. De Grey )
YEAS {
{Mr. T. Grenville/
tainty of a reward, most earnestly exhort the inhabitants of West - .
Sir Grey Cooper S 2I2.—NOES
Mr. 13yng
; 30.
minster to do their utmost, by every legal measure, to preserve to
Mr. Grenville's amendment was consequently lost. After
the great body of citizens by whom he has been elected, and to his
which the address, as at first proposed, was agreed to.
country, the benefit of his services, and the inviolable security of
kis person.
" JOHN CutraeniLL, Chairman.'"
To this advertisement Mr. Adam called the attention of the
,I-louse, by reprobating the proceedings of the committee as vin-
dictive and injurious to his character. He congratulated Mr.
Fox, in a vein of irony peculiarly elegant and pointed, on the ex-
MR. ADAM'S COMPLAINT AGAINST THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE
clusive privilege, with which he was thus invested, of dealing out
WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE or ASSOCIATION.
what personal abuse he should please. He was far, however,
from thinking Mr. Fox capable of. taking advantage of any thing
November 13.
his popularity might afford him not consistent with the strictest
honour. He wished him joy of the inviolable security given to his
THE of Westminster, who had chosen Mr. Fox to represent
person; It was an instance of extraordinary attention in his con-
them in parliament, in a manner so singularly spirited and
stituents and countrymen. It had no precedent except in the
noble, were not a little proud of their choice, nor inattentive to the
remote ages of antiquity. Pisistratus, the Athenian, had a body-
manner in which their popular delegate discharged his duty, and
guard, aIp.pointed by the people of Athens for the security of his
290 WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION.-
780.] WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION . 2 291
[Nov. I3,
life, and by their means ultimately overturned the liberties of Ith
in the resolution, considered its import fully, and were pre-
,
country. He would therefore bail Mr. Fox—Pisistratus the
pared to justify the advertisement and the resolution with
Second. Fie would hail him King of Westminster ; but, at the
their honour and their reputation. And, after all, what was
same time, was at a loss, whether most to rejoice with him, or
the resolution complained of with so much warmth by the
condole with his country on account of those internal feuds and
honourable gentleman ? A form of words evidently flowing
animosities which originated in committees of association. Mr.
from the good opinion the Westminster committee entertain-
Adam then said, that he was going to touch upon a subject, by
ed of him, but which seriously and duly considered, conveyed
mentioning his own character; in which he might possibly incur
the imputation of vanity ; but when a person's character was basely
no personal charge against any man, nor warranted any man's
and falsely traduced, not to mention it was to act with timidity;
taking them up angrily or resentfully : besides, in what way
that few men knew the nature of his life, which was private and
was the House to treat a matter introduced in the very extra-
retired, but that he could boast a strict and regular system of do-
ordinary manner in which the honourable gentleman had
mestic economy, which enabled him to live wholly independent
thought proper to introduce the advertisement to which he
upon the fortune which had fallen to his share. That the princi.
was then speaking, without making it the subject of any mo-
pal happiness and ambition of his life was to discharge the private
tion whatever? If the honourable gentleman really thought
duties of a pTivate situation with honour and integrity, to he a good
son, a
himself warranted to treat the resolutions of the Westminster
good husband, a good father, and a faithful friend. That
he could not brag of a long line of ancestry, whose vices were to
committee seriously, why did he not complain of the paper to
degrade, or whose virtues were to adorn the page of the historian.
the House as a breach of privilege? If the honourable
But that circumstance made him more anxious to maintain his
gentleman thought proper to adopt that mode of proceeding,
character unspotted, and to repel every attack that was made upon
he was ready to meet it on that ground. and to defend the
it. He concluded with saying, that he looked upon every person
resolution. If the honourable gentleman chose to make it the
who adopted the resolutions of that committee as base and in-
subject of another sort of process elsewhere, and to charge it
famous calumniators of his character, and unworthy the protection
as a libel, he would find that the Westminster committee were
of a civilized country.
ready to take it up when so charged, and to defend the lega-
lity of their proceedings. The honourable gentleman had
Mr. Fox rose to reply, and began with declaring, that as
chosen to laugh at him, and to turn him into ridicule, under
to any expressions personal to himself, which had Ehnen from
the honourable gentleman, who felt so sore at the paper which
the character of Pisistratus. . In what, he begged to know,
had he ever shown a desire to obtain illegal honours? In what
he had read to the House, he should not take the least notice
had he attempted to set himself above the laws of his country,
of them ; but in regard to the advertisement itself, he did
assure the honourable gentleman and the House, upon his.
i
or to aim at receiving any other honours, than such as he was
honour, that he was not present at the drawing it t , and
perfectly competent to receive? The honourable gentleman,
that it was published without his consent or even kn ledge.
after flourishing a great deal about his body-guard, and other
Bad he been at the committee when it was drawn up, he
matters of that sort, had talked of the Westminster com-
mittee proceeding, by and by, to constitute him King of
should undoubtedly have used all the persuasion that. he was
Westminster. The Westminster committee, he would tell
master of, to have prevented the committee from coming to or
publishing any such resolution as the one particularly objected
the honourable gentleman, as well as the whole body of in-
to; because though the resolution was evidently founded in
habitants of that most respectable city, wished for no other
zeal and affection to him, it was, in his opinion, an imprudent
king, than the king now upon the throne; they loved that
resolution ; and he could appeal to his honourable friend be-
king, and they revered the , constitution, by which he reigned;
and it was out of a foolish partiality to himself, and because
low him (Colonel Fitzpatrick) to vouch for this having been
the opinion he declared when he first saw it. He said, he.
they rashly, perhaps, thought him the best qualified to sup-
port that king and that constitution, to maintain the glory of
had imagined some persons would be induced to put the same
construction upon it. With regard to the ridicule the ho-
the one, and preserve the other in safety, that they had chosen
nourable gentleman had thought proper to throw upon the
him their representative in parliament, in the noblest and most
committee, and upon himself, that was matter of perfect in-
spirited manner, in direct defiance of the avowed and unre-
difference to him, and the more so, because the gentlemen who
servedly exercised influence of the crown. It was, perhaps,
from a weak and ill-founded partiality in favour of his abili-
formed that committee, were great and respectable charatters;
ties, that the electors of the city of Westminster had done
men who, he doubted not, had well weighed every word used
t; 2
292 WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION. [Nov. 13.
/780.] WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION .293
him that honour; all that he could do in return was to de•
not notorious to every gentleman present, who had sat in the
dare, that his conduct should be an example of the most sin_
last parliament, that he stood up in his place, and firmly sup-
sere and perfect gratitude. It could not, however, surely be
ported the measure, declaring at the same time, that he trusted
warrantably advanced, that •om this circumstance he was
it would be a proof to the electors, that if they chose him their
imitating Pisistratus, or that he was endeavouring to obtain
representative, they' would send to ,parliament a member who,
illegal honours ! The electors of Westminster thought well of
at least, was sincere, and who was at all times determined to
his efforts in that House, and this naturally shewed itself in
speak his real sentiments.
acts of affection and regard towards him. Lost almost as the
Alter other instances adduced in proof, that the popular
public cause seemed to be, they were glad to find the repre-
applause with which he had been honoured, was the volun-
sentative for Westminster among the number of those true
tary gift of the people, and had not been sought after by him,
friends to liberty, who best served their country, and who
either industriously or improperly, Mr. Fox took notice of
were still determined to stand in the breach to resist the tor..
the necessary freedom of debate, and said, that as it was the
rent of corruption and of increasing influence, which threaten-
dearest and most inestimable privilege of a British senator, so
ed to bear down the constitution, and to destroy it. In order
was it the last right that he would abandon or give up ; and
to do this, he, and those with whom he acted, had sacrificed
here he must observe, that in his speech on the first day of the
their interests, they had sacrificed their ambition, they had
last session, in his speech on the first day of the present ses-
sacrificed all views of greatness and emolument, they had sa-
sion, he had talked language, which, however people might
crificed every thing that could gratify the mind of man, or
chase to construe it, was not, he would at ati,times maintain,
fall within the wish of human pride, or human vanity. Let
in the least personal to any man whatever. As long as lie
not gentlemen on the other side, on almost every one of
had the honour to sit in that House, he would exercise that
whom places, pensions, titles, and rewards of every kind, were
inestimable privilege of speaking freely upon public Matters,
profusely heaped, grudge, then, either him or others the
both as to the conduct of men in public situations, and of
poor comfort of a little popular applause. Let them not com-
measures any way connected with the public interest. He
plain that the people held his humble efforts to serve his
had spoken freely hitherto, whenever he had taken the liberty
country in some degree of estimation. And though they
to rise in that House; and in spite of every attempt to prevent
might, in the warmth of their zeal and affection, use a few
him, of every sort that could be suggested, he would con,
imprudent words, lbr such heof those words were,
tinue to use and support the freedom of debate. He thought .
which composed the resolution of the Westminster committee
it necessary to say thus much, and to say it in the most ex-
read to the House by the honourable gentleman, let it not be
press terms just then, because he foresaw, that in speaking to
said, that lie was borne off his legs by popular hone , s, or
the subject which was presently to be taken into consideration,
that he was frantic with popular applause. Had lie ; been
as the order of the day, when a supply for the support of the
anxious to court those honours, and to obtain that applause,
navy was to be proposed, he should have occasion to advert
opportunities had offered, which he should nothave neglected.
to the character of a person (Sir Hugh Palliser) who, if re-
In the time of the tumults, when the people were madly riot-
Port was to be credited, and there could be found constituents
ous, had he uttered one word, or said one syllable in support
sufficiently abandoned and lost to all sense of honour as to
of the protestant association ? On the contrary, had he not
chase him their representative, was shortly to come among
opposed it firmly, and been among the first to reprobate and
them. That person had been convicted by one court-martial
censure those lawless proceedings which began with insult to
of having preferred a false and malicious accusation against his
that and the other House of Parliament, and did not end till
superior officer, and had been tried for his own conduct by
the public prisons, and private property, to an immense
another court-martial, who had neither acquitted him honour,.
amount, had been burnt and destroyed ! Again, when a mea-
ably, nor acquitted him . unanimously. Those trials were mat..
sure was ba agitation within those walls, which was particularly
ters of public notoriety, and therefore they were fit subjects
the object of opposition from those very persons, whom it was
for parliamentary allusion, and for free discussion within those
at that time known, he wished should become his constituents,
walls ; to those trials he should have occasion to refer, in
had he with a view to court popular applause, meanly given
what he should have to say when the supply for the support
up his opinion, and adopted that of those who had 'since
of the navy came under debate ; and as often as any matter
chosen him their representative? On the other hand, was it
relative to the navy was the topic of consideration, so often
U3
294 WESTMINSTER COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATION. [Nov.
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.29 5
13•
1780.3
would he most undoubtedly speak of those trials, -and the per,
particular gentlemen who penned them had in their view at the
son to whom they had relation, without reserve. Nor had
time ; he was sure, however, from the known honour of the com-
that gentleman, or any other honourable gentleman, any righ
mittee, that their intention was a good and a warrantable one ; he
t
to complain of being personally insulted by what he
therefore thought it right to say, that the resolutions had his
should
hearty consent. Mr. Adam said, if either the honourable
then say. If he were to prefer an indictment against any
gentleman who spoke last, or any other person approved of the
person accusing that person of a crime, none surely but the
in question, as personally applied to him, that he meant to
most wrong-headed man in the world would deem the hard
Nvords
apply to him and them, every epithet that he had mentioned. Mr.
words, which constitute the legal and technical phrases of the
Fitzpatr ick said, that if the honourable gentleman chose to apply.
indictment, as so many private affronts to him as a gentleman;
any part of the words used. in the resolution of the Westminster
the case was exactly the same as to his treating upon any
committee to himself, he could not possibly help it. Ile must
public topic in that House. He owned, he was a little asto-
still approve of those resolutions, but he had not applied them to
nished to hear the honourable gentleman who spoke last, con-
the honourable gentleman, neither had he said, they contained
any thing immediately applicable to him, or which the honourable
gratulate him upon his having, in consequence of the West-
minster committee's resolution, an exclusive privilege of
gentleman was entitled to apply to himself. They certainly-had
his consent ; nor did he feel himself at all obliged to give his rea-
speaking personalities within those walls. He had already
sons why he consented to them. This altercation was put an end_
said, that he never had spoken personalities. Had he in-
to, by the order of the day being loudly called for.
dulged himself with entering into a dissertation on economy,
and the well-ordered arrangement of his private affairs, or
talked of noble ancestry and noble vices, or alluded to his
domestic virtues, and pointed all these things at any particu-
lar gentleman, then, indeed, he might with reason have
been accused Of having dealt in personalities; but so long
T OF SIP.
MR. FOX'S MOTION RELATIVE TO THE APPOINTMEN
as he confined himself to public matters, and public matters
HUGH PALLISER TO THE GOVERNMENT OF GREENWICH
only, he did not imagine the House would think that the
HOSPITAL.
character of being fond of personalities belonged exclusively
to him.
Februau 178t.
After gently touching on his affair, last session, with Mr.
Adam, declaring, it could never be alluded to without giv-
MIIIS day Mr. Fox made his promised motion relative to the ap-
ing that honourable gentleman and himself great pain, and
pointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of Green-
after many other remarks, struck out with all that wonAerful
wich Hospital. The clerk of the House having, at his request,
quickness of conception, happy position, and force andfPoig-
read the copy of the charges exhibited by Sir Hugh against Ad-
miral Keppel, the sentence of the court-martial on those charges,
nancy of application, which generally distinguish his speeches;
the charge and sentence of Vice-Admira l Palliser's court-martial,
Mr. Fox concluded with declaring, that he was ready to de-
Mr. Speaker Norton's speech on delivering the thanks of the House
fend . the resolution of the Westminster committee, though at
of Commons to Admiral Keppel, and the answer made thereto by
the same time he was ready to confess, that he thought it im-
the Admiral,
prudently drawn up, and that it contained words which had
better not have been used on the occasion.
Mr. Fox rose. He began with saying, that there was no
gentleman less accustomed than he was to apologize for the
Mr. Adam, in answer to what Mr. Fox had said of the resolu-
motions with which he, from time to time, thought it his
tions not being personal, read the last resolution, and added, that
House, but on the present occasion as the
every person, conjunctively and severally of that committee, who
duty to trouble the
motion which he should make at the conclusion of his speech,
approved of those words, was an infamous and base traducer of
would undoubtedly point to two particular individuals, he
his character. Colonel Fitzpatrick confirmed what Mr. Fox had
said, relative to his
thought it incumbent upon him to say, before he entered into
not being present when the committee came
to the resolution. He said he had the honour to belong to that
an explanation of the grounds on which he rested the pro-
committee, but was absent, as well as his honourable friend, when
priety and justice of his motion, that he was actuated by no
the resolutions were carried ; having, therefore, no hand in
personal motives whatever. He knew not that man on earth
draw,-
ing them up, it was impossible for him to say what or whom the
against whom he harboured the least personal enmity, and
U 4
296
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
[Feb. /,
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
.297
1781.]
least of all, did he feel any against those two indivi
who saw the enormous influence of the crown opposed to
duals,
who would be thought by the House, and who certainly Wer e
virtue, popularity, and reputation, (that influence of the
meant by him, as the immediate objects of his motion. H e
crown, of which the last parliament had complained, and just-
had no personal enmity whatever, lie did assure the honour-
ly complained), they receive him with open arms; they knew
able gentleman whose name he should be obliged to men-
merit, his integrity, and his virtue; they revered his splendid
tion pretty frequently in the course of what he had to say;
character, and they invited him to become their representative.
against him, nor against his majesty's ministers; public en_
Thus oppression, as it always will do, produced its opposite
mity against him and them, he felt and avowed. Public
effect, and thus his honourable relation, by being driven from
enmity occasioned by their public conduct, detestation ex-
Windsor by the influence of the crown, is sent to parliament
cited by the miseries and misfortunes which they had en-
the representative of one of the first counties in England.
tailed on their country. He said,. he considered the honour-
Therefore, he stood too high in fame, too full of glory, to
able gentleman, the governor of Greenwich Hospital, as one
require additional support, or to make the serving him, a
great cause of those calamities under which this country was
motive in the design of the motion he was about to make.
now suffering, and therefore he felt against him, all that
He next observed; that lie was not unaware it might be
public_ enmity which such a sense of his conduct ought to
said, how improper it was, when unanimity was so necessary
inspire. He considered Sir Hugh Palliser as the man, who
in the navy, to stir a matter which had a little subsided, and
by giving way to his-boisterous and unruly passions, had al-
the revival of which might renew animosities. To the; opi-
most ruined that service on which alone we could depend for
nions, he said, he fully assented ; non movere pieta was a
the protection of this country in the hour of danger, and as
maxim to which he entirely subscribed. Be it upon their heads,
the only probable means, if any there were, of extricating
therefore, who began to stir the old cause of discontent ! Let
us from our present difficulties. It was on these grounds,
those answer for the consequences who revived the dispute ;
and these only, that he was the public enemy of the honour-
he washed his hands of it. It was the ministers that had
able admiral, the public enemy of those .who abetted and sup-
ported him.
broached the subject, those who had advised his majesty to-
appoint Sir Hugh Palliser governor of Greenwich Hospital.
Having said that he was actuated by no motives of personal
They had brought him forward out of the obscurity which lie
enmity, he also assured the House, he was not influenced on
seemed to have thought most becoming him, and they only
the present occasion by private friendship. Not that he dis-
were to atone to their country for the mischiefs that would
claimed private friendship ; no, God knew, he considered
ensue. The advocates of the ministry might say, the govern-
intimacy and connection with his honourable relation whorat
ment of Greenwich Hospital was no great matter, and that-
below him (Admiral Keppel) as the chief honour and happi-
it did not signify much. Those who were inclined to reason
ness of his life, but his honourable relation's character, his
in this manner, were not aware of the consequences that would
virtue, his glory, were too firmly established to need assist-
follow, nor the great inconveniences that suffering the present
ance. If ever there was a man whose character met the de-
appointment to pass uncensored by that House would occa-
scription of the poet exactly, 44 merles proAndo pulehrior
evenit,"
sion. He did not like to make invidious allusions ; but they
the admiral was that man. Let those who had at-
had already an instance of the extreme difficulty of arguing
tempted against his life and his honour bear witness to this
against the bestowing of additional honours upon that man
truth. See him attacked, charged, criminated, and sent to
(Lord George Germain), who having been once degraded and
trial, on an accusation of the most serious nature ! What is
declared unworthy of serving again, had been suffered to be
the consequence ? He comes purified from the ordeal, his
invested with confidence and honour. How did any man
honour is clearer than before, his glory beams with reno-
know that the government of Greenwich Hospital was the
vated lustre ! See him at Windsor ! See the attempts that
only situation into which Sir I-high Palliser would be brought?
are made, successfully made, to separate him from consti-
How did the House know that it was not the intention of
tuents who had thought well of him before, and always, till
ministers to give Sir Hugh Palliser the command of one of
then, been happy in their representative, and for ought he
our fleets? And then if the appointment was attempted to be
knew, had been his constituents for two, three, or four suc-
cessive parliaments !
animadverted upon, would not ministers be tarnished with
-What is the consequence ? The coo*
this strong answer to all objection: 44 You did not complain
of Surrey, who saw with indignation the Oppression practised,
of the appointment of this gentleman to the government of
Greenwich Hospital, -- it was at that time you should haye
298
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
[Feb. r. ,
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
299
1781.]
objected, — to object now is to persecute." It was for this
their jurisdiction, and the general usage of courts-martial.
reason, Mr. Fox said, that he thought it necessary at that.
They had the best opportunity of learning those motives,
moment to take the sense of the House on the first post of
because all the facts being before them, (the accusation spe-
honour and profit given to Sir Hugh Palliser.
cified formally, and all the evidence called in support of it,
He said the principal purpose or object of his motion was
that the accuser thought proper to adduce ;) they were per-
the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of
fectly competent to say, what the motives of the accuser
Greenwich Hospital, which he considered as an insult on the
were, and when, like Sir Hugh Palliser, he scandalously
honour of the navy, because what man who felt as a gentle-
failed in his proof, and there came, even from his own wit-
man, could be happy in the service, or could serve his coun-
nesses, the fullest refutation of his charges, courts-martial
try with zeal and spirit, from which alone the navy of
were bound in justice to the honour of the officer accused,
England had gained its great reputation, when a post of high.*
not only to acquit him, but to pronounce upon the motives
honour and profit, which had hitherto always been bestowed
of the accuser. This he asserted was no new doctrine; it
on those officers whose fame was unsullied, and who had de-
was justified by long practice. He had brought with him
served best of their country, was given to a man convicted of
two or three precedents, which would suffice to support what
having preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusation against
be said ; innumerable precedents, it was well known,ikwere to
his commanding officer ? The appointment of Sir Hugh
be found. The first case he should mention, was that of
Palliser to the government of Greenwich Hospital, under all
Captain Cotton, in the year 1766; in the sentence of whose
the circumstances of it, was a measure of so much criminality,
court-martial, the accusation was declared to be groundless,
and at the same time was so glaringly iniquitous, that he
and malicious. Again, in the case of Captain Lee, (the
knew not scarcely how to argue it, to give it a stronger im-
sentence of whose court-martial he read,) the Court had, in
pression on the minds of the House, than it must necessarily .1;
severe terms, reprobated the accuser, and his accusation.
have of itself. It resembled one of those self-evident propo-
'The third precedent he had brought, was that of a land court-
sitions, which bear the name of axioms in mathematics, on
martial, upon an officer a member of that House (General
which nothing can be said to make them clearer than they are
Monckton) whom he did not see then in his place, but of
of themselves. The only mode of reasoning, therefore, that
whom he should never speak without that respect which was
he could adopt, was to suppose objections, and then to oppose
due to a brave man : he was tried by a court-martial, which
those objections with arguments.
sat at the Horse Guards in 1764, and which had declared, in
The last time the House debated upon the subject, the
their sentence of acquittal, " that the charges preferred by
vice-admiral had read to the House a long speech, previously
Captain Cohn Campbell, against General Monckton, were
prepared for the occasion, the main purport of which had
false and infamous ; that it appeared to them, that the accu-
been, as far as he was able to understand such parts of it as
ser had been actuated by the worst motives, and that they
he had heard, to arraign and call in question the whole con-
had reason to believe the accuser had imposed upon the
duct of the court-martial that tr . ed Admiral Koppel, and in
commander-in-chief, by a falsehood, to induce him to order
particular to impeach the sente , and charge the court with
the court-martial." From these precedents, Mr. Fox with
violent injustice, in having declared the vice-admiral to have
great strength of argument affirmed, that the custom of
preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusation, the motives
a court-martial pronouncing upon the accuser's motives was
of the vice-admiral not having been submitted to their con-
common, and therefore the argument, that it was extrajudi-
sideration. He had since inquired into the usage of courts-
cial in Sir Hugh Palliser's case, was frivolous and absurd.
martial, and he found it was their general practice, when
Besides, what was it but arraigning the honour and the
they acquitted the person accused, to declare their opinion of
justice of the officers who composed Admiral Keppel's court-
the nature of the accusation. He would, therefore, first
martial, to question any part of their conduct? To prefer
suppose a similar objection to be opposed to him now, and
one individual before another was common, because one man
that it would be contended, that Admiral Keppel's court-
might excel another ; but to prefer one set of men before ano-
martial had passed an extrajudicial censure on Vice-Admiral
ther was illiberal, because in all large descriptions of men
Sir Hugh Palliser, in declaring that his accusation was
there naturally must be men of integrity and virtue. If, how-
malicious and ill-founded. In answer to this, he should
ever, any profession was particularly better enabled to judge
assert, that they laid an undoubted right to give their opinion
of points of honour than others, it was surely the military pro-
upon the motives of the accusation, both from the nature of
fession ; and if he could ever be brought to say, one branch of
300
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
301
[Feb. z;
1781.J
a profession deserved more credit
as so long concealed, or that it was ever made. The fact
as men of sincerity than alio-
w
ther, he should say, it was the naval branch, and for this plain
as, the vice-admiral never dreamt of making any charge
w
reason; the military generally residing in great cities, and
ill he thought recrimination necessary. When he heard that
t
populous towns, imbibed all the manners of the times, and as
murmur's were stirring, and that his own conduct was ques-
a division of the army was always attendant on a court, and
tioned, then it was that he thought of charging his com-
made a part of the parade and pageantry of princes, they na-
mandin g officer as a criminal. Let the House remember the
turally were accustomed to a more courtly stile of talking than
'compromise that he offered to Admiral Keppel.; a compro-
other men ; whereas naval officers, living chiefly on the bola-
mise which his honourable relation disdained - to accept.
terous element, far from courts and princes, were remarkable
What was Sir Hugh Palliser's letter to Admiral Keppel but a
for a roughness of manners and a blunt integrity of speech,
threatening letter? A letter of extortion? Did not this ap-
calling every thing they mentioned by a plain word, and de-
plication sufficiently prove, that the vice-admiral was neither
scribing their thoughts exactly as they were. When, there-
actuated by motives of zeal for the good of the service, nor
fore, a court-martial, composed of naval officers of the first
zeal for the good of his country ? What was it short of the
character and of acknowledged honour, called an accusation
practice of a man who committed a highway robbery? An
malicious and ill-founded, which accusation the
attempt, not to obtain money indeed, but to obtain a certi-
y had fully in-
vestigated, lie should, were there no other reasons to induce
ficate of character, through the impulse of fear ? Here surely
him to think it were so, be strongly inclined to believe that
therefore, was ground sufficient to pronounce, that the mo-
the accusation was malicious and ill-founded ; but he did not
tives of the accuser were not honourable; and when it was
doubt he should be able to prove, to the satisfaction of the
considered that the charge was preferred on avowed princi-
House, that there were other reasons; that the House, during
ples of recrimination, every man rust see that it originated
the late parliament, had been of opinion, that the accusation
in malice.
a
But not only the court-martial, who pronounced it a
g
aainst Admiral Keppel had been malicious and ill-founded :
and even that Sir Hugh Palliser himself acquiesced under
malicious and false accusation, thought it so, that House
the sentence, and tacitly admitted his criminality.
thought it so likewise, for they had voted their thanks, with
Let gentlemen consider the time and the manner in which
one dissenting voice only, to Admiral Keppel; and what
the accusation was preferred by the vice-admiral against Ms
was the language of the Speaker when he gave those thanks?
honourable relation. Was it as soon as he came ashore after
Add to this, what had been the conduct of the vice-admiral
the 27th of July ? No. The House knew it was not.
himself? Had he come down there immediately after the
When then ? Why, at a considerably distant period. And
trial was over, and complained of the conduct of the court-
what were the circumstances ? The vice-admiral goes out a
martial? No. He had acted a very different part. He had
second voyage with Admiral Keppel. He
resigned his lieutenant-generalship of marines, he had resigned
says not a word of
his having any Charge to make, but keeps his accusation in
his government of Scarborough castle, he had resigned his
his own breast, and he tells us now, that he did not then
seat at the admiralty-board, and he had taken in exchange for
make the charge, from motives of regard to his country.
them, what ?—The valuable office of steward of the Chiltern
What ! will he pretend that a feeling for the national wel-
hundred ! 'What was this but an acquiescence in the justice
t
fare suffered him to fail a se nd time under the command of
of the sentence, a tacit acknowledgment of the truth of the
an officer, guilty in his mini of those five charges which he
opinion pronounced upon the accusation, and a desire to retire
afterwards preferred against him ? 'Was it a desire to promote
from public notice, arising from a consciousness of
the public good that induced him to suffer a man so criminal
lit ! Again, when he had made a motion to address his ma-
to keep the command ? Ought he not rather, if he had any
jesty to take away Sir Hugh Palliser's flag, a motion which he
such feelings, to have made the charge the moment he set his
had afterwards been induced to withdraw from its being sug-
foot on shore, and to have dragged that traitor, that coward,
gested, by his worthy friend General Conway, that it looked
Admiral Keppel, to immediate trial, and not have suffered
like persecution, and that it would be sending the vice-admiral
him to enjoy a second opportunity of disgracing the British
down to his trial, under prejudices—what had at that time
flag by his ignorance, his negligence, his cowardice, and his
been the language of the House? What had a learned gen-
treachery ? It was not, therefore, from a regard to the good of
tleman (Mr. Wallace) said, who, he was glad to see that
the- service, or the good of his country, that the accusation
day in his place? Had not that gentleman declared, he
1 o
302
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMEN T.
303
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
[Feb. I.
1781.3
sence) sat upon and that three of the other members were
would move to impeach the minister who should venture to
employ Sir Hugh Palliser again? And had not another
officers of the blue squadron, and if there had been guilt found,
would have been implicated in that guilt. Upon the whole,
learned gentleman, now lord-chief-justice of the Common
there was, as he had observed, great ground for suspicion of
Pleas (Lord Loughborough) pressed that the vice-admiral's
nanceuvre and trick in the constitution of the court.
flag might remain with him till his death, that it might fly
iThe vice-admiral's conduct also was liable to doubt ; for in
over his grave, since it never could again be hoisted at the
what manner had he settled his evidence and the Witnesses,
mast-head of any of his majesty's ships ? It was •evident,
whose names he had given in ? He had not, like Admiral
therefore, that the crown lawyers at that time did not think
the declaring the accusation to be a malicious and ill-founded
Keppel, desired that every officer in the fleet might lee called,
accusation, was an extrajudicial opinion. With regard to
but had asked for particular persons, and for Captain Keith
Stuart, and another gentleman, whom he had never examined.
the right of reply upon his trial, which the vice-admiral
These gentlemen, it was true, were examined by the judge-
claimed, he should only say, that the right of reply was not
advocate on the part of the crown, but they were not called
essential justice, that even in criminal courts it was thought so
by the vice-admiral. Was it not therefore warrantable to
invidious, that it was rarely claimed, and that in land courts-
martial it was never allowed.
suppose, that they were merely set down as witnesses to pre-
vent their being judges? Admiral Keppel's conduct was the
He added, that it was altogether unwarrantable for the vice-
admiral or for that House to question the conduct of Admi-
direct opposite. Fearless of danger, because conscious of in-
nocence, he had acted in the most open, artless, and unre-
ral Keppel's court-martial, unless they set on foot a proper
served manner; nay, he had even himself put a question to
and impartial enquiry, and after absolving the 'Members of
each of his witnesses, that none of his counsel, nor any one
the court-martial from their oaths of sccresy, and examined
them at the bar, as to their sense of the accusation. Had
of his friends, would have ventured to have proposed for him
any thing happened, he asked, since the sentence declaring
to ask. The question he alluded to was tile general question
which he put to every witness, not what particular species of
that Sir Hugh Palliser had preferred a malicious and ill-
neglect and misconduct they observed in hint on the 27th of
founded accusation was pronounced, to alter that general and
July, but whether or no they saw any instance of negligence
well-founded opinion ? The only event that had the least /re-
or misconduct in his behaviour the whole day ? And yet
lation to it was the second trial. But had that removed the
notwithstanding the different conduct of the two admirals,
stigma? By no means. It did not even honourably nor
and the different constitution of the courts that tried them,
unanimously acquit Sir Hugh, but on the contrary, charged
what had been the sentences ? By the one, Admiral Kep-
him in so many express words with a positive neglect of duty.
pel had been honourably and unanimously acquitted, and his
And here, he said, it would not be amiss to examine a little m
accuser pronounced a false and malicious accuser ; by the
into the management of that court-martial. At the same
other, Sir Hugh Palliser was said to have behaved in an ex-
time that he said this, he begged leave to be understood as
meaning to speak, not to its conduct, but to its constitution.
emplary and meritorious manner in many instances, which
directly implied that his conduct had been the reverse in some
A distinction worth attending to : for whoever spoke to its
instances : he was then condemned as having been guilty of
conduct, arraigned and questioned the proceedings of the
court, and consequently arraigned aiI questioned the justice
criminal neglect, in omitting to let the admiral know by the
I
Fox frigate, the condition of the Formidable, and after that
and the honour of the officers ; whe as they who spoke, as
he was acquitted. So that the sentence of acquittal had
he meant to speak, to its constitutio , merely examined the
neither the word " honourable," nor the word " unanimous"
proceedings of those persons under whose influence and .ma-
in it, .and even, while it acquitted, fixed a charge of crimi-
nagement the appointment of the court was settled. He
was fir from impeaching the sentence of that court-martial,
nality
The second sentence, he said, confirmed the first ; for who
though he could not help thinking there was strong ground
should be the man to prefer a malicious and ill-founded ac-
for suspicion as to the mariner in which the court was insti-
cusation against his commander, but an inferior officer, who
tuted. Mr. Fox then read over the names of the officers who
had himself been guilty of a neglect of duty ? From such a
sat upon Sir Hugh Palliser's court-martial, and sheaved that
quarter only was it likely that such an accusation should
Captain Duncan was by accident a member of it, that a ne-
arise. He who is conscious of guilt cannot bear the inno-
phew of Sir Hugh Palliser, (who might have had leave of ab-
cence of others; he tries to reduce other characters to his
304
SIR HUG-II PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT,
305
.
[Pea. I,
;
own level; and the histor
y
of mankind teaches us, that the
,
highest the
him, that he was not safe, that it lay in the power of his in-
most
virtuous, the most glorious of men, are
ferior officer to attack his honour, to attack his life, and to
e ,
the most envied, the most hated, and the most liable to ca_
bring a malicious and ill-founded accusation against hint;
,
lumny detraction, and malevolence. Hence the accusation
it succeeded, his ruin was certain : at-any rate his ac-
against Admiral Keppel, and hence the record of the vice-
would be protected and rewarded. How happened it,
admiral's malice 1 13 ut even if the sentence of the second
court
t
e ol'e officer commanded the fleet the beginning of the
-
that lrf
marti al had been as warm, as honourable, and as una-
last campaign, and as soon as he could know what he was
nimous as that which
thhich acquitted Admiral Koppel, if it had
about, resigned the command, and another was appointed?
the con
o
placed thduct f the vice-admiral on the 27th of July
These were all matters that it was fair to suppose had their
in the most exalted
point of view, still it would not have
lted
origin in the mischievous system of the present first lord of
done away the declara tion that he had preferred a malicious
ItilitoeFt ieaedd:-ic
and ill-founded accusation against his commanding officer;
concluded with saying, that no 'man ought to be pro-
and though it might have excited his pity, to be forced to
who had rendered himself unworthy of rank in a
know that true greatness of mind did not always accompany
profession so honourable as that of the British navy; and
valour,
and that a brave and gallant admiral
distinuished
lour,
by enumerating the several heads of his speech, in order to
should
shou
have
h
given
y
wa
to his passions, and have descended to
remind the House of the grounds on which he rested his
the
th
meanness of
o
preferring a malicious and ill-founded ac-
intended motion; these were, that it proceeded not from
cusation against
ag
his commander,
emmander, it would not have justified
personal enmity; that tile court-martial, who tried Admiral
ministers
m i
in bestowin g an office of distinguished rank, an
Keppel, were perfectly competent to declare that Sir Hugh
office looked
look up to by the navy as the hope and prospect of
Palliser had preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusation;
honest ambition, on a man who.stood recorded as a false and
that the declaration was warranted by a variety of undeniable
malicious accuser.
facts and circumstances; that Sir Hugt Palliser had himself
Prom the appointmen t of this man to the government of
acquiesced in the justice of the sentence; that the House
Greenwi ch Hospital, he said, every thing dangerous to the
had acknowledged its truth ; that the sentence of the second
was to
public interest be apprehended. The officers of the
court-martial was neither an honourable nor a unanimous
navy in general would be disgusted, because they would see
acquittal ; and lastly, that the promotion of a person, de-,
an
that honour d bravery combined were not the merits that
dared to have preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusa-
were now thought
thou
worthy
rthy of reward, but that malice and
tion against his commander-in-chief, was a measure subver-
in y Were strong claims with the present ministers. Dis-
infamy
sive of the discipline, and derogatory to the honour, of the
cipline and subordination would cease, and the spirit of the
British navy. He then called upon the young members for
be broken
ro
navy would b bk
; thus would the great and only solid
their support, declaring that he made the appeal from a con-
strength of this country be annihilated. Every inferior ()Beer
viction that the highest sense of honour always glowed in
own guilt, would threaten his commander
conscious of his
youthful bosoms, and that they were most likely to act ac-
With a court-martial, and seeing that disobedience of orders
cording to the dictates of their own hearts, without servilely
was :countenanced and rewarded, would neglect his duty,
embracing the opinions of other men. He then moved,
from the idea that he was sure of - protection. What. was
" That the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the govern-
it that
th
had
ha
driven
dri
so many great and disting 'led com-
ment of Greenwich Hospital, Who, by a sentence of a court-
manders from the service, but that they now ound they
martial, is declared to have preferred a malicious and
could not serve with security to their honour. \\ 7hy was not
founded accusation against his commander-in-chief, is a mea;
Admiral Barrington employed? Admiral Barrington, con-
sure subversive of the discipline, and derogatory to the honour,"
fessedly a good officer, and a zealous lover of his country I
of the British navy."
Admiral Barrington, it was said, was willing to go out second
in command, but would not accept of a chief conunand.
The defence of Sir Hugh Palliser was taken up by Lord North,
Admiral Barrington had as much honest ambition as other
who proposed various amendments to Mr. Fox's motion, until at
officers, and he presumed
. e Admiral Barrington was as thirsty
length it was moulded, with no small difficulty, into the following
of
0 honour ; why,
why then, did Admiral Barrington decline ,ac-
form ; " That the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to be governor
cepti
ng a chief commao d ?
of Greenwich Hospital, who, by the officers who sat on the court-
To what could it be imputed,
but to his seeing that a commander-in-chief had spies set upon
VOL.
X
•
306
SIR HUGH PALLISER'S APPOINTMENT.
307
[Feb.
MOTION RESPECTING THE MUTINY ACT.
r„
178.
1.]
martial held for the trial of Admiral Keppel, and before whom Sir
Hugh Palliser was not charged with any malice in the accusation
of the said admiral, or heard in his defence, is declared to have
SIo N Or THE WORD " IRE-
RESpECTiN G T T
HE OMIS
preferred an ill-founded accusation against his
MOTION
comm ander-in-chi
TIN
A
ef
ND,
LA" IN HE MUY CT.
and whose conduct on the z7th of July, 1778, by a subsequent
court martial, was, after a full examination, declared to be in
February 23.
many respects highly exemplary and meritorious, and who has,
during the course of forty-five years, served- the crown, both in his
‘i 7 HEN the secretary at war, Mr. Jenkinson, presented the
civil and military capacity, with great ability, bravery, and fi
was a
delity,
N mutiny bill, on the 8th of February, lie informed the House,
measure totally subversive of the discipline, and derogatory
that it had been thought proper totally to omit the word " Ireland,"
to the honour of the navy." Lord North, before he sat down,
because the Irish legislature had last year introduced clauses in
proposed a sort of compromise with Mr. Fox, by offering to with-
their mutiny act, tending to govern and regulate the management
draw his amendment wholly, if
those
the latter would consent to omit
of the quartering soldiers, and other matters relative to military
particularly obnoxious. words, that the vice-admiral was, by
the sentence of a court martial, declared to have preferred a mali-
discipline. To Continue to extend the British Mutiny Act to
Ireland, was therefore, he said, no longer necessary. On a motion
cious and ill-founded accusation against his commander-in-chief
•
;
for bringing up the report of the mutiny bill, on the zoth, Mr.
by which amendment the motion would go to a division in these
Fox observed, that he understood the bill, as it passed the com-
general terms ; " That the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser, &c.
mittee; had alterations in it, which went directly to overturn the
was a measure subversive of the discipline, and derogatory to the
constitution of this country, and gave up all right to supremacy
honour, of the British navy." But, Mr. Fox refusing to comply with
over Ireland. He hoped therefore the secretary at war would not
this proposal, the question was taken up with great vigour, and
press the bringing up the report then, but would adjourn it to the
obstinately maintained on both sides. Mr. Fox was powerfully
next open day, that the subject might be properly discussed. The
supported by Mr. Burke, Lord Howe, Admiral Keppel, Mr. Tho-
secretary at war differed exceedingly from th honourable gen-
mas Townshend, and Mr. Dunning. The debate continued till
tleman respecting the importance of the alterations made in the
past two o'clock in the morning, when the House divided on the
bill, but had no objection to having every part of the bill fairly
amendment proposed by Lord North.
discussed. if therefore the honourable gentleman would let the
Tellers.
Tellers.
report be brought up, he would consent that the third reading
.1 Yin De Grey}
YE As
Mr.T.Townshend/
2 14.---NoEs .{mr.
should be fixed for any day the honourable gentleman chose to
j
Byng
M
.rOrd
appoint ; and as the whole of the alteration the honourable gen-
The. divison being over, Mr. Fox • moved the following amend.,
tleman could wish for, was the insertion of the word " Ireland,"
ment to the amended resolution, to come in immediately after the
it might be done as well at the third reading as if it were recom-
words " heard in his defence :" viz. " That the Judge Advocate
mitted. Mr. Burke said, so many and such great revolutions had
having, by the direction of the said court, declared, that it did
happened of late, that he was not much surprised to hear the right
not occur to the recollection of any of the members; that it had
honourable gentleman treat the loss of the supremacy of this coun-
been the usage at courts-martial to admit any. thing on the part
try over Ireland as a matter of very little consequence. Thus one
of the accuser, after declaring he had gone through all the wit-
star, and that the brightest ornament of our orrery, having been
nesses he should produce in support of the charge, and that they
suffered to be lost, those who were accustomed to inspect and
had agreed that the paper then offered by the accuser, could not
watch our political heaven ought not to wonder that it should be
be admitted; and the said court having, in another part of the
followed by the loss of another :
Said trial, declared, that they continued of the same opinion, and
had agreed that the whole evidence, not only on the part Of the
So star would follow star, and light light,
charge, but of the defence, had been closed, nothinifarther, by
'Till all was darkness and eternal night.
way or address from either party, could be received." rhis. amend-
Mr. Fox said, the right honourable gentleman's proposal would
ment was over-ruled, by the motion, for the order of the day, to
which the House agreed.
reduce him to the cinema of either moving that the word " Ire-
land" be inserted, or that the bill stand as it did, a matter he was
by no means ripe to propose. He wished to have many points
discussed, which could only be done in a committee ; he trusted,
therefore, that the right honourable gentleman would come in to
his first proposition, because, before he could give it' as hi; opinion,
inserted, he should be glad
that the word " Ireland" be or be not
to know the nature of the Irish mutiny act, the grounds upon
bringing it in, and the manner in
which it went, the reasons for ;Z2
fr
3o8
MOTION RESPECTING THE MUTINY ACT.
[Feb. 23,
MOTION RESPECTING THE MUTINY ACT.
309
which it had passed. — The report was ordered to be
1781.1
further consideration on the
taken into
. e 3 d ; upon which day,
ing to stand well in the eyes of the people of.Ireland ; and it
was not his purpose to attack the claim which they had set up
Mr. Fox rose, agreeably to the intimation he had
to legislative independency. They had not a friend in that
given to
the House, to move the re-commitment of this bill, for the
House more warmly attached to their interests than himself.
purpose of correcting a v ry important alteration that had
He 'wished to share the dangers and the alarming tendency of
taken place in it. He beg n a most ingenious and el
this bill, both to the liberties of England and of Ireland; and he
oquent
speech with stating, that if he had not been sensible of the dif
thought, that to be silent on such a subject would be tacitly to
ficulty and delicacy of his situation in the question which he
assist in taking away from the people, in order to enlarge the
was about to agitate, the observation that had fallen from a
prerogative of the crown, in demolishing and subverting the
gentleman high in office, and an old, well-informed member
liberties of the subject, in order to give the prince the means of
of that: House, would have opened his eyes, and convinced
becoming absolute. He had been held out, he was.aware, as
him that be was treading upon ground at once difficult and
the enemy of Ireland, and the first lora of the treasury had
dangerous. The honourable gentleman had said, that the
been declared to be the best friend of that country, though he
House ought not to attempt to do that which it could not
had uniformly endeavoured to support the rights and libel-
fully and perfectly accomplish ; and had advised them rather
ties of the Irish, and to give them all that they requested long
to overlook the attack upon their dignity, by the presentment
ago, and which the noble lord had positively denied them till
of a frivolous petition, than attempt a punishment which they
they had armed themselves, and then by three specific propo-
could not enforce. This was his sentiment; it was at all
sitions had given more to force than he had before denied to
times so, since he constantly was of opinion that prudence
ought
supplication.
' rt. at all times to be consulted in measures of dienity and
In better times than these, Mr. Fox said, he should pro-
b
,
that they ought not to assert powers and authority at a sea-
bably have entered upon the topic in a manner staid in lan-
son when their weakness was insufficient to support their
guage widely different from that he meant to adopt on the
claim. To agitate a question, therefore, respecting the powers
present occasion. In better times than these, he should have
of supremacy and superintendency, which this country assert-
talked of the superintending power of the British parliament
ed over a sister kingdom, at a time when that kingdom was
over Ireland, and over every part of the British monarchy ;
disposed to militate the principle, must certainly be clan-.
bat such was the miserable situation to which the king's ser-
gerous ground, and particularly so at a moment when the
vants had reduced this country, that the question was of a
country was involved in a scene of complicated calamities,
very delicate nature indeed, and it was by no means a
and was threatened with the most decisive ruin. He trusted
matter easy to be handled without disturbing what ought not
that the House would forgive him, if, in the situation in
to be disturbed, and without producing consequences, which
which he then stood, be should take up a few minutes of their
every man, who wished well to his country, must wish to
time in stating his sentiments on the question ; since he knew
avoid. In the present question, he wished to speak and to
from experience, that pains would be taken to misrepresent
act agreeably to the sentiments of some of the first and
what he should say, in order to place him in a light unfavour-
best men in the parliament of Ireland. The powers of su-
able to the people of Ireland. The insidious pains that had
premacy and superintendency of this country, over her dis-
been exerted on a former occasion to misrepresent both him
tant connections, were topics which he knew were at this
and other gentlemen on the same side of the House, hadt
w
time dangerous to be touched, but which had never been so
altogether failed of producing the intended effect, that f
at any former period of our history. Ten years ago it would
making them odious in the eyes of a people whom they loved
not have been considered as improper or dangerous to talk on
and honoured. Difficult and dangerous as the situation
these topics, because then they were considered as necessary to
was, he could not be induced from any apprehensions of
the liberties and the well-being of the empire. They were
personal consequence to permit a matter, charged with so
not only considered by that House in this light, but by every-
much apparent danger, to pass unnoticed ; at the same time
part of our extended empire they were allowed and acknow-
he was not insensible to the unfavourable opinion of his fel.
ledged the same. It was the weakness of administration that
tow-citizens.
.
had given rise to . different ideas. America had never com-
He had many reasons of friendship and affection for wish-
plained of these powers till her calm and sober requests were
refused, and Ireland had not asserted the contrary till relief
x3
3 I0
MOTION RESPECTING THE :MUTINY ACT. [Feb.
IvIGTION RESPECTING THE MUTINY ACT.
3T
23.
178I•3
was denied when her grievances were manifest. But now the
upon the people of this country to stand forward and protect
topics were dangerous to be touched. The weakness and th
the liberties of both, by preventing the dangers and the effects
e
wantonness of ministers had introduced into that House dim.
of a law so violent and contradictory to the constitution. It
cultics and embarrassments, new and unprecedented, and he
was, therefore, a business in which both nations were equally
must yield to the disagreeable necessity of submission. But
affected, and in which they ought both equally to-unite. For
he might say, that if he had been speaking on this s
this was a species of conspiracy between the cabinet and
ubject
ten years ago, he should have found no difficulty in saying,
that part of the people of Ireland, who, anxious for inde-
that the superintendency and supremacy of this country was
pendence, were intoxicated with the idea, and inclined to
necessary to the liberty of the empire, for many great and On
purchase it at any price. The conspiracy was to this effect
his opinion) unanswerable reasons ; and that in particular
—We will give you a mutiny bill of your own, if you, in re-
they ought to be careful never to give out of their own hands
turn, will grant the crown a perpetual army. Nothing was
the power of making a mutiny bill. He should have been
demanded for this country in return for the favours which
able to have advanced various reasons for retaining this pri-
had been conferred ; nothing in return for the free trade ;
vilege, the first and most powerful of which would have been
nothing for the independence ; but a provision was made to
a reason of apprehension, lest at some future moment of neg-
grant to the crown a perpetual power unwarranted by the
ligence or corruption, the parliament of Ireland, the assemblies
constitution.
of any of the colonies of America, or of any other of our
In a moment of heat and clamour, when the minds of a
.foreign connections, should be tempted or prevailed on to
whole country were agitated with the great question, and de-
grant a perpetual mutiny bill. If he had advanced this ar-
raanded an important concession, it was the duty of a mi-
gument, he knew that it would have been immediately said of
nister to maintain the duty and the supremacy of the country,
him, that he pushed speculation to excess, that he was chime-
as far as was consistent with the liberties of the empire at
•ical and libellous in his ideas, for that no house of represen-
large; he ought to have yielded to the necessity of the occa.
tatives could be so negligent or corrupt as to grant such a bill,
sion with prudence, but not with intemperance ; he ought not
and no people so blind and supine as to bear it. Might he.
to have endangered the liberties of every part of the empire,
not, then, now say this, when it was not an argument of spe-
in order merely to calm the intemperance of the moment.
culation but experience; and when the parliament of Ire-
The honourable gentleman stated, that in his ideas on the bill,
land had actually granted a perpetual mutiny bill to the
he would advance no arguments that he had not taken front
crown, by which they had vested the sovereign with the
books written in Ireland and by Irishmen. It was at once
power of a standing army, unlimited in point of numbers or
curious and alarming, that in the Irish mutiny bill the pre-
duration ?
amble was left out which recited the Declaration of Rights.
There were in the passing of this bill, so granted, also se-
What could be the inducement of this omission? It contained
veral circumstances of a suspicious nature, which implied in
no enacting law, and, consequently, was in no ways an attack
pretty plain language, that it was imposed upon them by the
on the ,legislative independence of Ireland. It was merely
cabinet of England. It originated in the privy council of this
declaratory, and as the constitution and the rights in both
country, and was sent over at a time when Ireland was loud
countries were the same, the declaration of those rights WO
in their claim of independent legislation. The cabinet took
equally applicable to both. But it was found expedient to
advantage of the heat and the inflammation of Irelan with
leave out the preamble, because the word, " 'Whereas it is
respect to independence, and granted them the one ling,
illegal in the crown to keep a standing army in times of
provided they would purchase it at the price of the other,
peace," were in direct contradiction to the bill which had been
They applied to the passions of the country .; they seized oh
granted.
parliament in the moment of their warmth, and appealing,
The danger of the bill would appear in its full magnitude,
perhaps, to other passions than those of patriotic frenzy, they
when gentlemen reflected that all that was necessary now to
procured the consent of parliament to this, and received
the maintenance of a standing army in Ireland, unlimited in
'a
perpet